Syndicalism in France

ditions of Revolu

racter of revolutionary syndicalism and the conditions which have influenced its rise and development. It remains now in thi

he Confederation are anxious to create the impression that the latter is exclusively the creation and the tool of the anarchists. Others more or less impartial fail to acknowledge the part played in the movement b

ocialist Party. Others do not belong to the Socialist party, but have never been connected with the Anarchists. They are revolutionary

tot, secretary of the section of Bourses, said at the recent Congress of Toulouse (1910): "I am reproached with confusing syndicalism and anarchism. It is not my fault if anarchism and syndicalism h

lutionary socialism. It does not exclude, however, other forms; on the contrary, it must be completed by the

ble antagonism between syndicalism and political socialism. "It is necessary," writes Jouhaux, secretary of the Confederation, "that the proletariat should know that between parliamentary socialism, which is tending more an

te the bloc spoken of above. To understand revolutionary syndicalism means to understand this bloc of revolutionary elements, how it

guided the life of the journeyman under the guild-system, and its birth under modern economic conditions is natural enough to need no explanation. But while under the guild-system this desire had an individualistic character, under the technical conditions of the present time it necessarily led to collectivist ideas. With the development

lth, the contrasts of distribution that stimulate the militant workingmen to their collectivist hopes, as it is the protest against the "arbitrariness" of the employer and

l distinctions. Owing to the traditions of the past, economic classes are separated by a number of other elements, in which intellectual, social and other influences combine an

of the men of the Great Revolution; his modern history is full of revolutionary secret societies, of insurrections, and of revolutionary struggles. He cherishes the memory of the Revolution of 1848, his indignation is aroused by the story of the Days of June, his pity and sympathy are stimulated by the events of the Commune. Looking backward into the history

d on compromise and is slow in operation. He seeks for other methods which seem to promise quicker results. The methods themselves may change; t

aders rise to the very top, become Ministers and Premiers (e. g., Millerand, Viviani, Briand), and then turn against their "comrades" of old. The feeling has been

als" are thrown out upon the social arena principally by the lower and middle bourgeoisie and generally enter the liberal professions. But whether lawyer, writer, doctor or teacher, the French "intellectual" sooner or later enters

sm has t

t and the

e number of "intellectuals" in the sociali

d society as a slow evolutionary process. Besides, the "intellectual" takes pride in the fact that he supplies "the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress"; he is inclined, therefore, to dominate the workingman as his "minor brother", and to advocate methods which secure his own predominant part in the movement. Parliamentary action

the ideal of social emancipation; in the general strike, which the syndicat seemed to carry within itself, there was a method of speedy liberation; the syndicat excluded the "intellectuals" and above all by it

or and maintain it there. Of course, differences of temperament and shadings of opinion exist. On the one extreme are those who are most vehement in their propaganda and who combat the Socialist party; on the other, are the revolutionary socialists who are disposed to co-operate with the parliamentary socialists, but w

eneral Confederation and that they maintain their leadership by means of the existing system of representation

ce, not all the syndicats adhering to the Confederation are represented at the Congresses. At the Congress of Bourges (1904), 1,178 syndicats out of 1,792 were represented; at the Congress of Amiens, 1,040 out of 2,399; at the Congress of Marsei

y to know how many syndicats in each federation are revolutionary or not, and what is the proportional strength of both ten

tion of Federation) stood 815 against 106 (18 blanks). This vote is important, because to approve or to

r syndicats cannot in the most cases be ascertained. For instance, the agricultural syndicats cast their 28 votes for the Confederal Committee; the report of the Confederal Committee gives the Federation of Agricultural Laborers 4,405 members; but the same report says that

ation; while the minority consisted of 15 organizations with 379 mandates representing 145,440 members. In favor of the anti-militaristic resolution, he calculates further, 33 organizations with 670 mandates representing 114,491 members obtained the majority against 19 organizations with 406 mandates representing 126,540 members. But he i

han those not voting with the majority on the other side; the whole calculation, besides, is fallacious, because it takes

e estimate on either side can be given. According to M. Pawlowski,[218] 250,000 members of the Confederation (out of 400,000) repudiate the revolutionary do

had only 36 votes; these two organizations were among the "reformists" who combated the Confederal Committee. On the other hand, the revolutionary Federation of Metallurgy had 84 votes for its 14,000 members, but the Federation of Marine, which is also revolutionary, disposed of six votes only for its 12,000 members. The revolutionary syndica

at the same time it is the most numerous, and its members pay the highest dues (after the Fédération du Livre) in France.[219] The revolutionary Federation of Metallurgy is also one of the large organizations in the Confederation and belongs to an industry which is one of the most centralized in France. The total horse-power of machines used in the metallurgic industries has increased from 175,070 in 1891 to 419,128 in 1906; the number of establi

the so-called reformist organizations, the Federation of Mines, the Fédération du Livre, the Federation of Employees, differ in

general conditions which are economic, political and psychological. To bring out the relation of these conditions to th

ir administrative and organizing expenses and can not collect any strike funds worth mentioning. In 1908, for instance, there were 1,073 strikes; of these 837 were conducted by organized workingmen. Only in 46 strikes was regular assistance assured for the strikers,

rade a wider and more general significance must be attributed; it must be interpreted as a partial manifestation of a more general class-struggle. In this way the determination to struggle on is strengthened in those who strike and a moral justification is created for an appe

s are organized by the Bourses du Travail and consist of meals distributed to those on strike. The soupes communistes permit the feeding of a comparatively large number of strikers at small expense. Distribution occurs at certain

while the strike is going on. It has been used during several strikes and attracted widespread attention. Th

lves at their federal congresses in favor of "syndicalist co-operatives" in which all associates are at the same time members of the syndicat and orga

y member pays a little over two francs a month. In other federations the dues are lower, coming down in some organizations to 10 centimes a month. In recent years there ha

lf to high dues, and if we are always ready to painful sacrifices of another nature, we have not yet been able to understand the enormous advantages which would follow from strong syndicalist treasuries maintained by higher assessments."[223] The French workingmen are conscious of their peculiar traits,

eld together, are easily dissolved and are composed of a more or less variable and shifting membership. The instability is incre

eld of struggle. This is why such general movements, as the movement for an eight-hour day in 1906, described in the preceding chapter, are advocated by the syndicats. The latter feel that in order to gain any important demand they must be backed by as large a number of workingmen as poss

people so impulsive as the French, the intervention of the forces of the State in the economic struggles must inevitably lead to collisions of a more or less serious character. The result i

of the "conscious minority" arises to meet the situation. The weaker the syndicats and the more often they are exposed to the danger of dissolution the greater the necessity of the theory. A disorganized syndicat general

under necessity: the act must be generalized into a principle, the principles systematized, and the system of theory compressed into concise and catching formulas. And

out delegates to Federal Congresses, on conference tours over the country, to assist workingmen on strikes, etc. In most cases it sends only men who represent the revolutionary ideas of the Committee and who, therefore, strengthen the influence of the latter by word and deed. It is also true that in most Bourses du Travail the secretaries are revoluti

ledge the results it has achieved. The strike statistics of F

er cent

d Per cent

t their

99 44.6

00 43.8

01 42.6

02 42.4

03 42.1

04 40.2

05 39.0

06 38.0

07 38.1

08 35.7

, on social legislation, etc., is undeniable. "In all branches of human activity," says M. Pawlowski, "wages have risen with a disconcerting and disquieting rapidity."[225] The agitation for the eight

ve no choice. A strike once begun, the character of the struggle is determined by conditions which exist and not by any that would be desirable. This is prove

opposition to the revolutionists. The "reformists" feel that they would thereby lose a support which is of value to them. Besides, in many cases su

e doubt that the leaders and the more conscious and pronounced revolutionary syndicalists are mainly interested in their revolutionary ideal, in the abolition of capitalism and of the wage-system. The struggles for higher wages, shorter hours, etc., are a necessity which they must make a virtue of while awaiting the hoped-for final st

of the syndical movement often lead the members of the Confederal Committee into the antechambers of Parliament or into the private rooms of the Ministers whose assistance is solicited. The most revolutionary federations can not help ente

admit that the reverse is true. "However one may judge their propaganda," says M. Mermeix, "he is obliged to acknowledge the disinterestedness of the libertarians who lead the syndicalist movement. They do not work for money...."[228

danger of a war, the legislative policy of the government, troubles among the wine-growers, any public question, indeed, is the occasion for the intervention of the Confederal Committee. The latter appears, then, also as a revolutionary organization which is always ready to criticise, to discredit and to attack the

s been achieved in it continue more or less stable until the "final" triumph of the revolutionary syndicalists? Or will the latter be overpo

ndencies either way can be discerned. The two possibilities, however, may be considered

olutionary period of English Trades Unionism and think of the change that came about in the latter in the third quarter of the past century. But the comparison is of little value

opment of their natural resources and industry, and must devote itself to the intensification of its own industrial activities. Such a change could bring about greater productivity, higher wages, and a higher concentration of the workingmen of the country. This change in conditions of life might result in a modification of the psychology of the French workingmen, though how rapid and how thorough-going such

in France. But it must be remembered that the federations underestimate their numbers for the Confederation in order to pay less, while they exaggerate their numbers for the Annuaire Statistique in order to appear more formidable. The Con

n industry and in transportation. The numbers of independent producers in industry, commerce, and agriculture is about 9,000,000, of which

lves ready to collaborate with the workingmen for the realization of their ideal society. The following motion adopted by the recent Congress of Nantes, at which 500 delegates were present, is very characteristic: "The professional associations of teachers (men and women), employees of the State, of the Departments

sociation, M. Colrat, wrote: "The ideas of the bourgeois syndicalism on the future are the same as those of the workingmen's syndicalism.... Far from contradicting one another, the syndicalism of the middle classes and the syndicalism of the working-classes reinforce each other in many respects, and notwithstanding many vexations, they lead to a state of relative equilibrium by a certain equality of opposing forces."[233] In the struggle against the big cap

alization of their ideal, the Republic of France is still lacking the stability which could save her from upheavals and from historical surprises. The highly centralized form of government and the dominating position which Paris still holds in the life of France make such surprises easier and mo

s urged on by all those who believe that only the weakness of the Government has been the cause of the strength of the Syndicalists. On the other ha

IOGR

utionnaire Syndicaliste. Pa

stère du Travail et de la

ie sociale devant les idé

lles ouvrières; office du

hies professionnelles

Syndicali

ouveaux aspects du so

ouvriers et socialiste

alisme et démocra

re deux servitud

e et la concentration in

m Wage and Syndicali

ce under the Repub

tite industrie contem

Vol. 7 of Histoire des partis soci

. American Syndical

. La grève génér

une. Volume 1 of Histoire des par

sme révolutionnaire et syndic

putés, Débats

es. Vol. 5 of Histoire des parti

Syndicalism and La

he World of Labo

7, recueil des procés-verb

ouvriers tenu à Lyon en Octobre

nisations socialistes, c

socialistes fran?aises tenu à Paris de 28 au

ns socialistes fran?aises tenu à Lyon du 26

u à Marseilles du 19 au 22 Octobre

rier tenu à Paris du 11 au 14

Confédération Générale du Travail), ten

de la Confédération), tenu à P

e de la Confédération), tenu à

la Confédération), tenu à Montpelli

e de la Confédération), tenu à Bo

de la Confédération), tenu à Am

la Confédération), tenu à Marseil

de la Confédération), tenu à To

e de la Confédération), tenu à H

nal tenu à Paris du 23 au 27

nage, son histoire, ses

en Syndikalismus." Archiv für Sozialwisse

nomique et juridique sur les coal

Vol. 6 of Histoire des partis social

ourses du Travail e

syndicaliste et les a

ncipes socialis

e la France, sous le régime prot

es orientations syn

a Révolution q

hist Peril. Tr. by R

La Commune.

des classes laborieuse

me et la Prochaine Ré

e Fran?ai

l published from 1

and German Sociali

Revolutionary Syndi

ocialisme en 19

t ouvrier au debut de la M

ganisées a la Société des anciens élèves de l'é

Travail et la Confédération Gé

tion internationale des t

hie et les anarch

es Generalstreiks in der modern

Revue.

utionnaire; impressions d'un

'action syndicali

. Les objectifs de nos lut

evolutionary weekly e

alisme au jour le

Le programme du parti ouvri

tionale, documents et souve

sme et le congrès de

rn France. 4 vols.

Syndicalism.

ght or Wrong. English translat

La Co-opération en

l. Vol. 9 of Histoire des partis socia

Vol. 4 of Histoire des partis socia

ince 1905. Contains many articles by re

ocialistes en France de

dicalisme fran?ais

es Débats

économiste

of Socialism. Third ed

du syndicalisme en

Troisième Républ

on des syndicats ouvrier

ve générale et le soc

e socialisme ouv

ung in Frankreich." Archiv für Sozialwisse

tituteurs et le syndi

vre de Millera

icats et Services P

ières et d'industrie en France avant 17

ères et d'industrie en France de 1789 à

Syndicalism in America." Political

ect Action." Forum.

calism." North Americ

calism." Annals of the American Academy

calism and the General

Le. Anarch

alisme et la transformati

re du socialisme fr

mouvement syndical e

icalisme contre l

z?sischen Sozialismus." Archiv für Sozialwi

Ramsay. Synd

o the Land. Tr. from th

classes à travers l'histo

ialisme réformiste f

Bourses du Trav

socialiste et les réunio

e 1899. Particularly valuable for st

ant. Vol. 8 of Histoire des partis soc

ceedings of annual co

909. Translated into English by Charlotte and Frederick Charles, und

édération générale du

général du parti sociali

ire des bourses du t

nand Pelloutier, sa vie,

t M. La vie ouvr

ivre du compagnonnage. Se

et révolution. Second

is, 1910. English translati

bases du synd

Le syndic

e parti du t

ération générale du

l. 10 of Histoire des partis social

acité politique des class

La république de

trades unions, et corp

stoire des grèv

cialiste

thly published from May

rier de France. Sessio

ouvriers, fédérations, bou

s congrès ouvriers e

Le monde sociali

que des syndicats profe

litions et les gr

ne central du Parti

the Social Movement. English tr

liste des syndicats. Rev

mposition du marx

du progrès. Paris, 1

ur la violence. Paris,

à l'économie moderne.

n dreyfusienne. Second

prétation du marxisme." Revue intern

du socialisme." Moral

Industrial Unionism, and

The New Socialis

in. Le compagnnon

et socialisme

opinions par Griffuelhes,

La France sociali

ndicalisme contre le s

bi-weekly by some syndic

aux. Anarch

Le second empi

he New Unionism.

ue Syndicaliste B

y of the International. T

e de la Confédération

he Ethics of Sabotage. P

Worker and his Cou

es Syndicats Jau

ce. An Examination of S

. History of T

ment social en France. First edi

g in Frankreich." Archiv für Sozialwissen

A. B. C. syndi

Manuel du s

des partis socialistes en Fr

Socialisme en France d

e Syndicalisme Conte

en 1912. Vol. 11 of Histoire de

ès de Marseille (1871-1879). Vol. 2 of Histoire des

tes. Vol. 3 of Histoire des pa

TNO

ed in a wide sense to include all v

elles Ouvrières, Office du Trav

aire Sta

ons Professionell

on des Syndicats Ouvriers en

ns Professionelles

ns Professionelles

ons Professionell

shed in 1890. G. Weill, Histoire du Moveme

ns Professionelles,

pp. 19-20,

des Classes Laborieuses en

ent Ouvrier au Début de la

r au Début de la Monarchie de France

ions Professionel

icats et Services Publi

nage, 1909; E. Martin St. Leon, Le Compagnonnage, 1901

c. Profess.,

bid.,

ns Professionelles,

., vol. i

ons Professionelle

id., pp

sm (1878); Th. Kirkup, A History of Socialism (1906); G. Isambert, Les Idées

enard, La Répu

s, Le Second Empi

ll, op. cit

de 1867, Recueil des Proc

évolution des Syn

Ouvrière de 1867

ux, La Co-opération (P

-Valleroux, op

pacité Politique des Classes

s, Le Second

mas, op. ci

ciation Internationale des

mas, op. ci

bid.,

tionale, Documents et Souvenirs

mas, op. ci

of the Bureau of Trade Unions, which was cons

phies Professionelles (Pa

et, op. cit

istoire des Bourses du Tra

s Ouvrier de France, S

grès Ouvrier, 1876

the active members of

Profess., vo

La France Socialiste

lité, 18 N

-Mermeix, op

Ouvriers et Socialistes Fran

bid.,

s Congrès Ouvriers en Fr

sde n'est-il pas

should be consulted; on anarchism in France see Dubois, Le Péril anarchiste; Garin,

, La Troisième Républ

lité, 30 J

ition period is always spoken of as t

ocialisme au jour le jo

ue, Le Programme du Parti Ouvrier

mme du Parti O

mme du Parti O

um, op. ci

his period see Leon de Seilhac, L

Les Congrès Ou

, op. cit

rès Ouvrier, session

es Syndicats Ouvriers,

tier, op. c

Travail et la Confédération Généra

es Bourses du Travail

ari, op. c

tier, op. c

Les Congrès Ou

History of Trade Un

axis des Generalstreiks in der mod

ève Générale et le Social

, op. cit.,

al des Syndicats, Comp

orkingmen could have "reserves" accumulated little by little which wou

ipes Socialistes (Pari

Les Congrès Ou

uaire St

Congrès Ouvr

ail, 1902; Ch. Franck, Les Bourses du Travail et la Confédération Générale du T

ier, op. cit

uaire St

ier, op. cit

in 1907. Franck,

Maurice Pelloutier, F. Pelloutier

e, Temps Nouveau

Congrès Ouvr

in France call the

tier, op. c

outier, op.

outier, op.

utier, op. ci

outier, op.

loutier, op.

outier, op. c

, Congrès Ouv

have been made since 1902 are in harmony with the fu

tional Corporatif (

pographi

eilhac,

Ouvriers, p. 325; Ch. F

Congrès Ouvri

anck, op. ci

n in all possible ways of the regul

e Sabotage (Paris,

Corporatif (IV de la C. G

ional Corporatif (R

Ibid.,

ional Corporatif (R

tional Corporatif (

Ibid.,

tional Corporatif (

tional Corporatif (

ts in France since 1895 is

ndicats

,163 4

,243 4

,324 4

,361 4

,685 4

,287 5

tional Corporatif (L

bid., p

Ibid.,

rac, Guide Pratique des Syndicats Pro

nce (tr. by J. C. Tarver, New

uvre de Millerand (

avy, op. c

Ibid.,

avy, op. c

erand are mentioned; they do not by any means exh

Corporatif (VI de la C. G

Ibid.,

Ibid.,

Ibid.,

Ibid.,

Ibid.,

s National Corp

Ibid.,

isme et le Congrès de Lon

grès Ouvriers et S

Débats Parlementaires; July

e, Principes

ialisme Réformiste Fran?ai

ment Socialist

Corporatif (Lyon

s Organisations Socialis

Ibid.,

the disillusioning effect of their terroristic campaign from 1890 to 1894, during which

Corporatif, (Ly

Ibid.,

Ibid.,

n the disclosure of conditions generally withheld from the public, such as conditions in hotel-kitchens and restaurants, meth

is that all citizens are equal before the l

r Socialiste des Syndic

xions sur la Violence

Ibid.,

xions sur la Violence

venir Socialiste de

Ibid.,

Ibid.,

flexions sur la Vi

Ibid.,

to Pelloutier's Histoire

éflexions sur la

usions du Progrès (

, Illusions du

Ibid.,

flexions sur la Vi

Ibid.,

Réflexions sur l

Ibid.,

Ibid.,

venir Socialiste de

flexions sur la Vi

, Le Socialisme Ouv

and Cornelissen in the Archiv für Sozial

nt Socialiste (M

Socialiste (March

ols. i-iii; also Report of 7th Congress

t no new trade federations. This was a decided step in

cess of reorganization is still going on. When it is completed, the General Confederation of Labor will emerge with a more compact and centralized form of organization embracing Federations of industry, on the one hand, and Departmental Unions, on the other. The single Bourses will not disappear, and their functions will not be curtailed; but they will henceforth form the constituent elements of the more comprehensive Departmental Unions and

dération Générale du Trav

ed the "Section of the Federa

to 60 centimes. For furt

nsist of one delegate from each Departmental Union, who will for

to five centimes for

ecutive

s in La Grande Revue (Fe

s Débats (Nov. 6

économistes (Novem

tional Corporatif (B

Corporatif (Bourge

Socialiste (No

Mouvement Socialiste

Corporatif (Bourge

Ibid.,

s Débats (27 Apr

ique des Grèv

ional Corporatif (Am

des Grèves, 1906

Corporatif (Ami

orporatif (Amiens,

Ibid.,

Ibid.,

orporatif (Amiens,

Corporatif (Amien

ès National Cor

nce revolutionary,

oire du Mouvement So

See pa

es were held at Balberstadt (

nce is given in Mr. Gompers' Labor in

figures ar

10, p. 483; XVII Congrès National

x, Le Terrassie

ee Adams, Growth of the French Nation; Berry, Franc

. cit.,

fédération Générale du Tra

ent Socialis

ès économiques de la Fran

s économistes, J

que des Grèves

National Corporat

atif, p. 203; XII Congrès Natio

a Confédération Génér

Ibid.,

des. See reports of last Congress

yndicalisme contre le Socia

e has about 40,000,000,000 franc

eface to Sec

0,000,000, out of a total population of over 3

anité, Augu

ed by Mr. J. L. Puecht, "Le Mouvement des Clas

riber's

rected prin

183 and 189 "working class

velopment" ("it is also a developm

evolution of 1848 and the co-operative movement") a

ged to "co-operation" ("-S

"French workingme

Perdiguier" ("Agricol Perdiguier,

ge to "résistance" ("was

("Les Associations Professio

ed to "persecuted" ("organ

ed to "Co-opération" ("La C

rgeois" ("separation which existed

nce in text altered, re

rrhoids" (" which it leaves to the he

ed to "Conseil" ("(the C

iterbewegung" ("Theorie und Praxis des Gener

they argued that the general s

"employees" ("of workingmen an

dded ("(Parti syndi

" added ("Bourses

d to "Nouveaux" ("Temps N

to "Allemanists" ("defended b

" ("M. Guérard who defended the idea

"Guérard" ("And M. Guérard,

to "recommended" ("To this

to "sub-committees" ("Only twent

d to "Congrès" ("X Cong

"the completest poss

d to "possess" ("the worki

"Guérard" ("The secretary of t

Peuple_" page 109 "bourgeoise" changed to "bourgeoisie"

erence altered, refer

op the offensive moveme

ded (""independently of

to "Parlementaires" ("Chambre de

nged to "Fran?ais" ("Pa

o "Jaurès" ("and J. Jaurès

." ("the strike, the boycott

ed ("It is a revolutiona

ange to "merchandise" ("and

nd of phrase ("source of intr

o "counter-balance" ("will counter-

to "particularly" ("Moreover,

("The very struggle which the syndi

anged to "workingmen" (

nged to "masses" ("kee

ès" ("by M. Jaurès "the metaphysic

anged to "Mouvement" (

to "Sozialwissenschaft" ("Archiv für

to "Jaurès" ("just as Kr

Guérard" ("General Confederatio

to "approfondir" ("his life i

"." ("relations between t

h "its" ("This section app

"indemnity" ("employment bure

anged to "économistes" ("

uérard"("and by M. Guérard, the

"Débats" ("Journal des Déba

o "economic" ("it was an inst

o "co-operation" ("a co-operatio

th "." ("of the governme

ffice" ("employees grievances

""" added (""re

"co-operation" ("soliciting the

the three years'") page 200 missing """ added

d group of revolutionary syndicalists") page 203 "Vivani" c

anged to "économistes" ("

ers at home and creates") page 211 "yeas

hanged to "Fédération"

ged to "systematized" ("the

étude historique, économique et juridi

nces organisées a la Société des anciens élèv

"évolution" ("Kritsky. L'évolu

") footnote [177] "Les" changed to "Le" ("Le