Syndicalism in France

deration of Labor

asons: first, during this period the organization of the Confederation under which it now functions was evolved;[103] and secondly, during this period the tendency known as revolutionary

tion at Limoges in 1895 aimed to "establish among themselves daily relations which would permit them to formulate in common the demands studied indivi

by the statutes adopted at Limoges. Of the 32 only four, the Fédération des Travailleurs du Livre,[105] the Syndicat of Railway Men, the Circle of Machinists, and the

titute the committees among which the work was to be divided. The few delegates that did attend the meetings quarreled for political and other reasons. T

0 per cent of all subscriptions for strikes. The Committee, however, reported to the Congress of Tours, that the syndicats and Bourses did not live up to the decision. From De

ional federations in their trades. Each National Federation of trade or of industry could send three delegates to the National Council; syndicats and local federations, only one. Each delegate to the National Council could represent two organizations only, while formerly he could represent fiv

ussed several other questions; eight-hour day, weekly rest

ajority than at previous Congresses. By this time, however, several modifications had taken place in the conception o

t only three or four true socialists in the Chamber of Deputies o

he government. The general strike will last a short while and its repression will be impossible; as to intimidation, it is still less

all along them. The 300,000 men of the active army, charged with the surveillance of 39 million meters, will be isolated from one another by 130 meters, and this can be done only on the condition of aba

its power of imposing itself. A strike in one trade, i

lared, will be the signal of the general strike. It will be the duty of militant workingmen, when this signal is given, to make t

nce, concluded: "The general strike wi

that the "Committee for the propaganda of the general strike" should be independent of the Co

ats to abandon their political preoccupations wh

and three national syndicats. The Federation of Bourses declined either to join or to help the Confederation. The number of delegates to the National Counc

eration of Bourses du Travail, (2) of National federations of trade and of industry, and (3) of local syndicats or of local federations of trades which were not yet organized nationally or whose natio

f the general strike should be established in the Bourses du Travail to keep in touch with the General Committee in Paris. It discussed several other

in of the boycott and of sabotage, and gave instances of their application in different countries. It referred in particula

f the time they have remained on theoretical ground: they have labored to extend the ideas of emancipation

le, has nothing been tried in order to resist the encroachments of capitalis

means of defense and offense. The report shows how these methods could be used in particular cases. Sabotage particularly, sometimes applied to

ort con

ance which-while awaiting the day when the workingmen will be sufficiently strong to emancipate themse

ine only on that day when it shall have become for him a friend which shortens labor, ins

iasm a motion inviting the workingmen to apply the boy

sprang up; besides, the National Council and the Federal Committee were animated by a different spirit. The Federal Committee evidently tried to dominate the National Council. The latter was weak. It counted only 18 organizations, and no new members were gained during 1897-98. The National Council did not function regularly; the

es formed sub-committees. The five per cent of strike subscriptions was not paid by the syndicats. Only 835 francs came in from this

all syndical organizations of France calling their attention to the "formidable consequences for capitalism" which such a strike could have, if joined by all trades. The circular formulated eight d

immediate general strike in case the railroad workingmen should declare a strike?" The report of the Committee to the Congress of Rennes complained that the syndicats voted for th

the force of events to quit work, and that this would have been the starting-point of the general strike, and po

ut the government intercepted the strike order of the Nationa

e latter was to be composed only of national federations of trade and of national syndicats and to be represented by the National Council.

ts on the various questions adopted by the Congress assert that the workingmen must solicit the co-operation of their representatives in the leg

little progress that had been accomplished in the application of these two methods since 1897, but again affirmed their validity and recommended th

e theory and express the wish that the boycott and the sabotage should enter into the arsenal of weapons which the workingmen use in their struggle against capitalists on the same plane as t

adherence was solicited, refused or even were not "polite enough" to make a reply. The adhering organizations paid irregularly; the decisions of the Congresses were not executed. The Co

t may also be interesting to note that the organizations which contributed most to this sum were: Union of Syndicats of Seine, 901 francs; the Union of Machinists of Seine, 727 francs; the F

ion was given a new turn. The question now was: "The general strike, its organization, its eventuality,

successful, it did not presuppose a majority of organized workingmen, nor big sums of money. A daring revolutionary minority conscious of its aim could carry away with it the majority of workingmen and accomplish the act of appropriating the means of production for society as a whole. Some even thought that in order that the general

s. The latter could profit by the general strike and seize the political power of the State to co-operate in the transformation of society. But the syndicats were not to count upon this possibility; on the contrary it was their task to make the general s

s,"[118] exclaimed one delegate. "In politics one has always to deal with intrigues," said another, and the same sentiment pervaded the other speeches. Though not refusing to make use

h a few still thought of the general strike as of a "peaceful revolution," a "strike of folded arms," the majority

recommended leaving the "Committee for the propaganda of the general strike" as free as possible in its action. The Congress merely determined th

ress on the army. This resolution demanded the suppression of permanent armies, and invited the syndicats to establish relations with the wo

ences in conditions of life varying from country to country are not important. "The predominating fact everywhere, in all countries, is the division of society into two categories; the producer and the non-producer, the wage-earner and the employer." The report went on to say that the idea of "fatherland" (patrie) is a means of protecting th

mber, 1900, the Confederation began also to publish its own weekly, La Voix du Peuple. Since 1896 the question of a trade-journal had been on the order of the day. It was discussed at every Congress and various plans were recommended in order to obtain the financial means for a da

omplained that the Voix du Peuple, "suffered from the apathy and the negligence of the comrades." Only 260 syndicats subscribed for the paper (out of 2,700 syndicats then in existence). In Paris only 6

which adhered to the Confederation during 1900-1901 paid in 1,478 francs. The total income was 4,125 francs. With such limited means the Confederation could do nothing. Th

vious to that all syndicats were invited to send a delegate or their mandate to the Congresses of the Confederation. The Congresses, therefore, neither revealed the strength of the Confederation, nor had a binding character, and were significant mere

he Federation of Bourses. Though more friendly since 1900, the relations between the two organizations still gave trouble. The questi

h 36,000 members; 8 federations of trade or industry counting 507 syndicats with 196,000 members; 492 syndicats with 60,000 workingmen were represented directly. The exact number of syndicats and of workingmen represented cannot be obtained from these figures, because one syndicat coul

e revolutionary tendency which the Confederation was taking. These were the questions

ncs in monthly dues, and its total income amounted to 2,447 francs. It was in touch with a number of sub-committees in the different Bourses du Travail, arranged a number of meetings on various occasions, and lent its support to some strikes. The Committee a

f their demands were not granted by the companies. The delegate of the miners was at the C

al strike which consisted

y. In repeatedly putting off the date of its coming, we risk di

occasion t

the working-class-in case of a revolution-counts upon this

ch in its opinion indicated "that the moment had come to try the genera

bring about the revolution; if we were made sure of the co-operation of all trades, even if it were n

g motion was

ke cannot be the means merely of obtaining

tion of the proletariat through the viole

or character of which nobody can foresee and which may go to the point of a general emancipation, will be in any case a movem

t it was impossible in view of the small number of organized workingmen. But his argument had no effect on the Congress

because of its importance. The answer given to this question was to determine the att

e and Industry, outlined a number of labor laws which touched upon the most vital questions of the labor movement. The most important of these law-projects were o

n of the policy which had guided M. Waldeck-Rousseau in 1884 when he was Minister of the Interior in the Cabinet of Jules F

. In the conception of the government the syndicats were to be "less a weapon of struggle" than "an instrument of material, moral and intellectual progress." It was "the wish of the Government and of the Chambers to see the propagation, in the largest possible measure, of the trade associations and o

caused by the Dreyfus affair assumed the character of a struggle between the republican and anti-republican forces of France. Republicans, Radicals, Socialists, and Anarchists were fighting hand in hand against Monarchists, Nationalists, Anti-Semites and Clericals. The cabinet of Waldeck-Rousseau constituted itself a "Cabinet of Rep

eared to me," said he, "that the best means for bringing back the working masses to the Republic, is to show them not by wor

of labor-laws already in existence and a series of new law-projects for the future protection of labor, such as the bill on a ten-hour day, whic

this by calling workingmen to participation in the legislative activities of the Republic, by accustoming th

nd 22 members appointed by the Minister from among the deputies of the Chamber, the senators and other persons representing "general interests." The Superior Council of Labor was "an instrument of study,

gmen organized in the syndicats to elect fifteen members of the Superior Council of Labor. M. Mil

them most, it is necessary and sufficient that they enter the ranks of that great army of which the syndicats are the battalions. How can they refuse to do this? By i

ir principal mission to enlighten the government, as well as workingmen and employers, on the actual and necessary conditions of labor, to facilitate thereby industrial harmony and general ag

this new institution would be one more motive for the utilization of the law of 1884 on syndicats. "To encourage by all means the formation of these trade

er (November 14, 1899) which contained several modifications of the law of 1884. This bill proposed to ex

on of strikes and on arbitration. This law-project proposed a complicated mechanism for the settlement of economic conflicts. It hinged on the principle that strikes should be decided by

was accepted by a majority of 258 against 205 votes (5 blank); the project on the regulation of strikes and on arbitration was r

stop the offensive movement of the workingmen.[131] The legislative measures of the "pseudo-socialist minister",[132] Millerand, were interpreted as schemes for restraining the revolutionary action of the syndicats.[133] The workingmen were warned that, if they accepted the laws, they would "reinf

on with employers because the interests of employers and of workingmen were held to be distinct and antagonistic. They did not want an "economic parliamentarism"[135] which would necessarily take the sting out of the workingmen's weapons and deprive th

ifesting all their energies, relying only upon themselves and not upon intermediaries. Only in this way would the syndicats wrest "piece by piece from capitalistic

le "directly" against employers by strikes, boycotts and sabotage, but also against the State, and not only against the State appearing as the "enemy of labor", but also against the State wish

n" of course the action of the Socialist parties was meant. After the foundation of the General Confederation of Labor certain

deputies. The socialist deputies in the Chamber constituted a Parliamentary Group-Union Socialiste-which acted in common. This strengthened the

es, the Guesdists elaborated a detailed program of reforms designed to win the votes of the agricultural population. This program made no mention of the collective appropriation of the soil; on the contrary, it stated that, "in the agricultural domain, the means of production, which is the soil, is in many places still in the possession of the producers

versal suffrage was the instrument with which all questions might be peacefully solved,[141] and that nothing but legal weapons would throw the Republic into the hands of the socialist army. G. Deville, then one of the principal theorists of the party, affirmed i

r. All socialist parties took part in it and Millerand delivered a speech in which he outlined the common points of the socialist program. This program emphasized the peaceful and evolutionary character of socialism: "We address ourselves only to universal suffrage," said Millerand, ... "In order to

socialist organizations were represented. The demand for unity was expressed in the socialist periodical press, and J. Jaurès outlined a plan according t

contrary, insisted upon the necessity of taking part in the general life of the country and of assuming responsibilities when they are inevitable. At two general Congresses of all socialist organizations held in Paris (December, 1899, and September, 1900) this question was discussed. The Congresses ended with a quarrel among the various socialist organizations which led to comp

ialists that many members of the party felt disgusted. Even the French socialist movement, so r

e division in the syndicalist ranks, and therefore invited the syndicats and the federations to remain independent of all political parties, "leaving to individuals the undeniable right to devote themselves to that kind of struggle which they prefer in the political f

government aroused hopes and expectations in the minds of many, to others it seemed the beginning of the end of socialism. Habitually regarding socialism as a class-movement, imbued w

ith "bourgeois" parties. At the general Congress of socialists in Paris in 1899, M. Briand in a clever and somewhat biting speech pointed out to the revolutionary socialists that their policy had made the "case Millerand" possible. "It seems," said Briand, "that great astonishment has been aroused in our comrades of the Parti Ouvrier (Guesdists) by the entrance of our

m, took a liking for them to such a degree that they soon came to believe that in order to triumph definitely over the capitalist society nothing was necessary

movement which seemed to them the only refuge for the revolutionary spirit. There they met the Communist-Anarchists who had been taking an active part in the syndicalist movement for some time. The Communist-Anarchists before 1895 had generally shown little sympathy for the syndicats where the workingmen, they said, were either engaged in politics or trying to obtain paltry reforms. But tired of carrying on a merely

s were partly the result of the large expectations aroused in the workingmen by the entrance of a socialist minister into the government. But the government sent troops against some of the strikers and in two or three cases blood was shed. The agitation aroused by the bloodshed was great and intensified the defi

s had by this time become conscious of themselves, and in opposition to the program of the political socialists, they advanced the idea of the General Confederation of Labor as a distinctly unifying conception which in the future was to play a great social r?le. "The General Confederation of Labor uniting all the workingmen's syndical forces," said the Secretary, Guérard, in his report to the Congress of Lyons, "is destined to become the revolu

h. The main ideas of revolutionary syndicalism were clearly formulated and consciously accepted. The main functionaries elected after

f Montpellier was almost entirely occupied with the elaboration of a new constitution which would unite the General Confederat

h of the Confederation began after its fusion with the Federation of Bourses. Since then also dates the more active participation of the Confederation in the political and social life of