Syndicalism in France

ral Confederation

ental depression. Though trade-union meetings were not prohibited, the workingmen avoided the places which had been centers of syndical activi

strike movement for some years, and had come to the conclusion that strikes were fatal to the workingmen and dangerous to the political institutions of the country. His observations had convinced him that the Second Empire had fallen lar

gates from employers and from workingmen for the peaceful solution of trade disputes; to found libraries and courses in technical education; to utilize their funds not to "foment strikes", but to buy raw materials and instruments of lab

founded the Cercle de l'Union Ouvrière, which was to form a counter-balance to the employers' organization L'Union Nationale du Commerce et de l'Industrie. The Cercle insisted on its peaceful intentions; it declared th

75. Following the example of the syndicats of the Second Empire, they organized delegations of workingmen to the Exhibitions of Vienna

ess included eight subjects: (1) The work of women; (2) syndical chambers; (3) councils of prud'hommes; (4) apprenticeship and technical education; (5) direct representation of the working class in P

ed. The reports and the discussions of the Congress showed that the syndical program outlined by Barberet was accepted by almost all the delegates. They insisted upon the necessity of solving peaceably all industrial difficulti

nsidered the same questions as did that of Paris, and gave them the same soluti

Barberet and of the "co-operators" and the beginning of socialist influence. The Congress of Marseilles accepted the title of "Socialist Labor Congress", ex

m of government was secured", wrote the Committee, "it was indispensable for the working-class, who up to that time had gone hand in hand with the republican bourgeoisie, to affirm their own interests and to seek the means which would permit them to transform their economic condition."[46] It was believed that the means to accomplish this task was co-operation. The belief in co-operation was so intense and general at that time that one of the delegates to the Congress of Paris, M. Finance,[47] himself an opponent of co-operation, predicted a large co-operative movement similar to the movements of 1848-50 and 1864-67. The prediction did not come true. Nothing important was accomplished in this

hen it found a leader in Jules Guesde. Jules Guesde is a remarkable figure in the history of French Socialism and has played a great part in shaping the movement. He had edited a paper, Les Droits de l'Homme, in Montpelier in 18

which outlined the program which the paper intended to defend. "We believe," wrote L'égalité, "with the collectivist school to which almost all serious minds of the working-class of both hemispheres now belong, that the natural and scientific evolution of mankind leads it irresistibly

ted the new ideas. In 1878, several syndicats of Paris: those of the machinists,

ress of workingmen was to be held in Paris during the International Exhibition. The Congress of Lyons (1878) had appointed a special

ollowers accepted the challenge of the government and continued the preparations for the Congress. The government d

ated the collectivists launched an appeal "to the proletarians, peasant proprietors and small masters" which contained an exposition of collec

ress were extremely interesting. The "moderate co-operators" and "Barberetists", as they were nicknamed by the revolutionary collectivists, insisted in these reports upon the separation which existed between bourgeois and workingmen, upon the inability of the former to understand the

ep further. It had adopted a resolution that journals shoul

ot so sudden as some have thought it to be. The influences which had brought about this change in senti

was brutally dispersed by the government, one thing was proven: the working class had no longer to expect its salvation from anybody but itself.... The suspicions of the government with regard to the organizers of the

e and could report only failure. The deputies, one of whom belonged to the Extreme Left, were against the limitation of hours of work in the name of liberty, and against the liberty of association in the na

ed a sufficiently powerful means for accomplishing the emancipation of the proletariat. Another declared the aim of the Congress to be: "The collectivity of soil and of subsoil, of ins

nto six regions: (1) Center or Paris; (2) East or Lyons; (3) Marseilles or South; (4) Bordeaux or West; (5) North or Lille; (6) Algeria. Each region was to have its regional committee and regiona

nd "co-operators" separated from the revolutionary collectivists. The former grouped themselves about L'Union des Chambres Syndicales Ouvrières de France. They held two separate congresse

1879) the triumph of collectivism was assured by elements which had the principles of collectivism in common, but which differed in other points. In Havre (1880

xploitation, could ever become an instrument of emancipation, even in the hands of a socialist government. The first act in the Social Revolution, in their opinion, had to be the destruction of the State. With this aim in view, the anarchists wished to have nothing to do with parliamentary politics. They denounced parliamentary action as a "pell-mell of compromise, of corruption, of charlatanism and of absurdities, which does no constructive work, while it destroys character and kills the revolut

icularly in Paris and in the South. There were thousands of workingmen who professed the an

des, to bring about the transformation of capitalist society into a collectivist society, the political machinery of the State must be used. There is no other way of accomplishing this task. The State will disappear after the socialist society has been firmly established. But there is an inevitabl

Guesde, the other followed Paul Brousse. The latter part took the name of Parti ouvrier socialiste révolutionnaire fran?ais-it dropped the word "révolutionnaire" from

trines of "orthodox" Marxism, which it popularized in France. It affirmed its revolutionary character by denying the possibility of

Guesde wrot

less, all rights which the constitutions and the codes may grant to others, to those who concentrate within themselves more and more all musc

ascribed to both national legislative bo

s, which it leaves to the hemorrhoids of bourgeois of every stamp, but because the electoral period brings under

alist society."[62] For only a revolution would permit the productive class to seize the political power and to use it for the economic expropriation of capitalistic France and for the nationalization or socialization of the productive forces. Of course no m

best organized socialist party of France. It was particularly strong in the Department du Nord a

r Brousse, as "opportunists and possibilists" because they believed in the possibility of reforms and had said that it was necessary "to sp

anization. They ascribed much importance to municipal politics. They conceived the conquest of political power as a more peaceful process of a gradual infiltration into

rance into Parliament and into the municipalities. They had a numerous following in

d with the organization which they claimed was entirely "bossed" by its leaders. They grouped themselves in their turn about J. Allemane and became known as "Allemanists." The Allemanists accused the Broussists of being too much absorbed in politics and of neglecting the pro

omplete view of the socialist world in which the syndicats of France were moving

inent part in the Commune and who had returned to France after amnesty was granted in 1880. They considered themselves the heirs of Blanqui and the continuators of his ideas; but under the political conditions of the Third Republic they brushed aside the secret practices

cialist character which were published in the monthly of the Society, La Revue Socialiste.[65] But the Society soon gained adherents among advanced Republicans and Radicals and entered into politics. It advocated the gradual nationalization of public services

roup and to promote the creation of syndical chambers and of trade groups where none exist as yet."[66] The Guesdists in their turn had adopted a similar resolution at their Congress in Roanne in 1882, and at their succeeding Congress, in Roubaix (1884), they adopted a resolution to promote "as s

he socialist leaders bred ill-feeling among their workingmen followers; the invective and abuse filling the periodical literature of the socialist groups found an echo in the assemblies of the workingmen; the mutual hatreds separating politically Allemanists from Guesdists, Guesdists from anarchists, were carried over into the syndicats which were hindered thereby in their growth or entirely driven t

of little significance, and the necessity of a larger combination made itself felt. Besides, in 1884, a new law on syndicats was passed. This law authorized the formation of syndicats under certain conditions of which article 4 was obnoxious to the workingmen. This article 4 of the new law made it obligatory for every sy

gmen of various political opinions met here and at once the sentiments and needs which brought them together

roblems and who have recognized that the diversity of doctrin

needs and the same rights, we have decided to set aside our political and other preferences, to march hand in hand, and t

kingmen's syndicats." The discussion brought out the fact that the delegates had different ide

t only behooves, but it is the duty of the latter to create, by all means possible, groupings and organizations o

ety, and which exist only for the sake of giving assent to the will of the government and of the bourgeoisie, or of presenting petty observations of a respectful and therefore o

deration is f

o help individual syndicats in

"National Federation of Syndicats" were held in the same place and about the same time as were those of the Parti Ouvrier, were composed of the same men and passed the same resolutions. Besides, the "National

ed of work and the employers in need of workingmen could meet. It was proposed that the prevailing rate of wages in each industry be published there day by day and that the quotations of the Bourse du Travail then be inserted in the newspapers.... It was expected that the workingmen of an entire country, even of an entire continent would be enabled in this manner to know, day by day, the places where work might be obtained under the most favorable conditions, and where they might choo

ndicats"-which was an instrument in the hands of the Guesdists-a "Federation of Bourses du Travail," in which they would have the leading part.[74] The "Federation of Bourses du Travail" was organized in 1892 with the following program: (1) To unify the demands of the workingmen's syndicats and to bring about the realization of these demands; (2) To extend and to

ries National Secretariats in order to unify the labor and socialist movement of the world. In France, the National Secretariat of Labor soon experienced the fate of other organizati

and not original with France. It had been widely discussed in England during the 30's[76] and afterwards at the Congresses of the "International".[77] It reappeared in France in the second half of the 80's and seem

to repair the defects of the partial strike. It seemed to insure success by increasing the number of strikers and by extending the field of disturbance. On the other hand, the general strike suggested itself as a method of bringing about the Social Revolution. This question was a vital one with the socialist syndicats. It was much debated and discussed and divided deeply the adherents of the various socialist and anarchist groups. "The conquest of political po

892.[79] Fernand Pelloutier, of whom more will be said in the next chapter, defended it successfully before a socialist congress in Tours in 1892. The same year, Aristide Briand appeared as the eloquent champion of the general strike before the Congress of

and would make the revolution an easy matter. The general strike must mean revolution because a complete cessation of work would paralyze the life of the country and would reduce the ruling classes to famine. Lasting a few days only, it would compel the government to capitulate before the workingmen, and would carry the workingmen's party into power. Thus, a "peaceful strike of folded arms" (grève des bras croisés) would usher in the Social

alue of the economic method of organization and struggle over the political. The general strike i

se their composure, or the government would provoke a collision. On the other hand, they affirmed that a successful general strike presupposes a degree of organization and solidarity among workingmen which, if realized, would make the general strike itself unnecessary. But, above all, they argued that the general strike could not be successful, because in the economic field the workingmen are weaker than the capital

ch voted in favor of the general strike at Marseilles in 1892. The conflict at first was latent, but soon led to a split in the "Na

ss was to convene the 18th of July, 1893. About ten days before this, the government closed the Bourse du Travail of Paris. The reason given was that the syndicats adhering to the Bourse had not con

the Congress adopted a resolution, that all existing syndicats, within the shortest possible time, should join the Federation of their trade or constitute such a federation if none as yet existed; that they should form themselves into local federatio

ntes had already received a mandate from the "National Federation of Syndicats" to arrange its Congress. It therefore decided to arrange both Congresses at the same time and to make one Congr

derably increased. According to the Annuaire Statistique

of syndica

84

85

86

87

88

89

,006 1

,250 2

,589 2

,926 4

,178 4

is fact shows how keen was the interest felt in the idea of the general

ganda of the general strike" and authorized this committee to collect 10 per cent of all subscriptions for s

creation of a "National Council" which should form th

Limoges (1895) the "National Council" was abolished and the foundations of a new org

e syndicats. The elimination of politics from the syndicats was, therefore, adopted at Limoges as

oyees of both sexes existing in France and in its Colonies, there is hereby created

on of Labor will remain independent of all politi

s follows: "The General Confederation of Labor has the exclusive purpose of uniting the workingmen, in th

Labor" incorporated the genera

dicalist revolutionary party over the syndicalist party of politics (Parti syndical politicien)." The victory was on the side of those who hailed the general strike, who asserted the superiority of economic action over political and who wanted to keep the syn

always insisted upon the necessity of an independent economic organization and had refused to admit syndicats into their political organizations as constituent elements. The non

ad split off at the Congress of Nantes continued for some time to bear the title of "National Federation of Syndica

rgy it had. There were, therefore, now two central organizations: (1) The General Confederation of Lab