The Life of John of Barneveld, 1609-15, Volume I.

ers of France and E

alousy-Sir Dudley Car

e Guidance of Maximili

nten enforced-Spain a

n their Position with

t refuses to aid the

ld Wesel-The great Re

atholic League both wi

Turkey-Spanish Fleet

Armies on a

utlines of which have just been indicated, and which was the natural sequel of the campaign carried out four years earlier on the same territory, had been ended by a mockery. In France, reduced almost to imbecility by the absence of a guiding brain during a long minority, fallen under the distaff of a dowager both weak and wicked, distracted by the intrigues and quarrels of a swarm of self-seeking grandees, and with all its offices, from highest to lowest, of court, state, jurisprudence, and magistracy, sol

y, internal and external, on which its welfare and almost its imperial existence depended, the only ambition of thos

ld prove as flimsy as the parchment on which they were engrossed, the Protestant churches built under that sanction would be shattered like glass, if once the Catholic rulers could feel their hands as clear as their consciences would be for violating their sworn faith to heretics. Men knew, even if the easy-going and uxorious emperor, in

, while encouraging those "shoemakers," his subjects, to go beyond their "last," by consulting the representatives of his people on matters pertaining to the mysteries of government. He was slowly digging the grave of the monarchy and building the scaffold of his son; but he did his work with a laborious and pedantic trifling, when really engaged in state affairs, most amazing to con

oy. "I am neither a camel nor an ass to take up all this work on my sh

r of theology in Leyden aroused more indignation in his bosom, and occupied more of his time, than the conquests of Spinola in the duchies, and the menaces of Spain against Savoy and Bohemia. He perpetually preached moderation to the States in the matter of the debateable t

g a citizen, the part he played was a lofty one. No man certainly understood the tendency of his age more exactly, took a broader and more comprehensive view than he did of the policy necessary to preserve the largest portion of the results of the past three-quarters of a century, or had pondered the relative value of great conflicting forces more skilfully. Had his counsels been always followed, had illustrious birth placed him virtually upon a throne, as was the case with William the Silent, and thus allowed him occasionally to carry out the designs of a great mind with almost despotic authority, it might have been better for the world. But in that age it was royal blood alone that could command unflinching obedience without exciting personal rivalry. Men quailed before his majestic intellect, but hated him for the power which was its necessary result. They already felt a stupid delight in cavilling at his pedigree. To dispute his claim to a place among the ancient nobility to which he was an honour was to revenge themselves for the rank he unquestionably possessed side by side in all but birth with the kings and rulers of the world. Whether envy and j

o observe public life, and wish to retain faith in the human spe

utset of Langerac's mission to France

in your despatches as you did in your last, although I am sure with the best intentio

heed to personal compliments to his chief, to do his best to keep the French government out of the hands of Spain, and with that object in view to smooth over the differences between the two great parties in the kingdom, a

m with the intricacies of the Dutch constitution, nor could the diplomatic profession, combined with a long residence at Venice, be deemed especially favourable for deep studies of the mysteries of predestination. Yet he would be found ready at the bidding of his master to grapple with Grotius and Barneveld on the field of history and law, and thread with Uytenbogaert or Taurinus all the subtle

that master whom God hath made the sole protector of his religion . . . . . and you may let fall h

appear in his place and refuse to be bound by any military arrangement of his predecessor. Then the Archduke proposed to give a guarantee that in case of a mutual withdrawal there should be no return of the troops, no recapture of garrisons. But Barneveld, speaking for the States, liked not the security. The Archduke was but the puppet of Spain, and Spain had no part in the guarantee. She held the strings, and might cause him at any moment to play what pranks she chose. It would be the easiest thing in the world for despotic Spain, so the Advocate thought, to reappear suddenly in force again at a moment's notice after the States' troops had been withdrawn and partially disbanded, and it would be difficult for the many-headed and many-tongued republic to act with similar promptness. To withdraw without a guarantee from Spain to the Treaty of Xanten, which had once been signed, sealed, and all but ratified, would be to give up fifty points in the game. Noth

, disinheriting any one of his heirs who should become a convert to Catholicism. He had accordingly implored aid from the King of Spain. Archduke Albert had urged Philip to

es under sequestration till the decision should be made-that was to say, until the Greek Kalends. The original attempt to do this through Archduke Leopold had been thwarted, as we have seen, by the prompt movements of Maurice sustained by the policy of Barneveld. The Advocate was

concerned. The whole aim of Barneveld was not to destroy the Treaty of Xanten, but to enforce it in the only way in which it could be enforced, by the guarantee of Spain. So secured, it would be a barrier in the universal war of religion which he foresaw was soon to break out. But it was the resolve of Spain, instead of pledging herself to the treaty, to establish the legal control of the territory in the hand of the Emperor. Neuburg complained that Philip in writing to him did not give him the ti

not intend him to be anything but a man of straw in the territories which he claimed by sove

, but his insight into the purposes of the enemy was almost as acute as if the corresponde

to get Spain upon the treaty, was resolved that at least the two mediating powers, their great allies, the sovereigns of Great Britain and France, should guarantee the convention, and that the promises of the Archduke should be made to them. This was steadily refused by Spain; for the Archduke never moved an inch in the matter except according to the orders of Spain,

h other as usual in treaties. But the Hollanders said the promise should be made to the Kings of France and England, at which the Emperor would have been deeply offended,

g would have had an enormous advantage in position. But the English Solomon could not see the wisdom of this policy. "The King of England says we are right," continued the Archduke, "and has ordered his ambassador to insist on our view. The French ambassador here says that his colleague at the Hague has similar instr

e great drama then enacting, and given up guarantees both from the Archduke's master and from the two great allies of the Republic. He stood out manfully against Spain and England at every hazard, and unde

ious support of it so long as it was a government, had been decidedly successful. Drugged as France was

re at a standstill. The Hollanders say it is better that each party should remain with what each possesses. So that if it does not c

sman. It was impossible at present for the States to regain Wesel, nor that other early stronghold of th

ment had induced the citizens of the place to make the treaty now violated by that country. The Dutch ambassador had been instructed categorically to enquire whether their Majesties meant to ass

ry of State replied, "We made the treaty through compassion and love, but we shall not put on harnes

enly in this business with the Kings of Great Britain and France and the united princes, the ma

ith him had tried hard to induce their Majesties "to write seriously to the Archduke in order at least to intimidate him by st

en intimidated him was in his grave, and his widow was occupied in marrying her son to the

o abandon all. For no true statesman could be so ingenuous as thus to throw all the cards on the table for the Spanish and Imperial cabinet to shuffle them at pleasure for a new deal. The Duke of Neuburg, now Catholic and especially protected by Spain, had become, instead of a pretender with more or less law on his side, a mere s

m Spain he had sent 5000 troops under command of Juan de Rivas to the Queen's assistance just before the peace of Sainte-M

have accepted the promise just as it was proposed by us." He implored the King, therefore, to use his strongest influence with the French government that it should strenuously interven

ite of all obstacles a good friend to the States, as he always had been. And Villeroy did hold firm. Whether the Archduke was right or not in his conviction, that, if France would only unite with England in exertin

rovinces, the possession of which would be of such inestimable advantage to either. If nothing decisive occurred in the year 1614, the following year would still be more convenient for the League. There had been troubles in Turkey. The Grand Vizier had been murdered. The Sultan was engaged in a war with Persia. There was no eastern bulwark in Europe to the ever menacing power of the Turk and of Mahometanism in Europe save Hungary alone. Supported and ruled as that kingdom was by the House of Austria, the temper of the populations of Germany had become such as to make it doubtful in the present conflict of religious opinions between them and their rulers whether the Turk or the Spaniard would be most odious a

heir borders, the King of Spain, besides daily increasing those forces, had just raised 4,000,000 ducats, a large por

ume

ITOR'S B

power of the mea

rous

nst an invader and

were not quite

ounced the man wh

ARKS, ENTIRE JOHN OF

sition into conscienc

rthodox pa

religious hatred to

power of the mea

fe of another p

acy of G

people, keeping

decapita

cause he resisted dic

urn alive, and bur

nd a small assistanc

for the allies se

itself the germs

th judge and pa

the satirical d

Puritans in Eng

the very name of l

ernal damnation

nation in its sterne

addressed him as

e true murd

character and j

ould mind hi

l, or absolute

was only too ready

he asked it, and mo

igion and politi

rial of aspect

a since

have all may

nare always tumbles

en on the part of

igotry of

endship, the self

religion, and th

who admired, envie

that poten

fying the killing of

final intentions, va

s ever living be

is

rous

osed to each othe

erses that even h

governments are

neutral in civ

ght to claim Neth

nded to thin

pel me to say more

f in dogmatism

lip

f which it is so d

essfully the t

able sums of money t

the state or the sta

hey have in them at

e cart bef

in the hands of Sp

the strumpet of

tion, which is a

nst an invader and

hurch had becom

f war without the t

edam ma

ed to be h

human folly had dil

he plentiful lack

f his time as to fav

able knife sharpened

commerce in

civil authority aga

ortured and tor

rtest about matt

ce of s

eague and the

ften prized more

were not quite

was in full blaze t

nd politic

n holding language

king in Europe,

ounced the man wh

him, 'e ammazat

ll which are too o

tread on the heels

heir inferior and l

e dogs and

age as the most l

friendship of sev

House of Austria,

tance could e

nfants were ho

was now artfully i

ed in matters of whi

esaid Puritans a

ts at this exercis