The Life of John of Barneveld, 1609-15, Volume I.

e Dutch Commissioners

of the Troops-Surren

emia-Death of Rudol

intment of Vorstius i

een Maurice and Winwo

d Maurice-Projects o

an

n, feverish intrigue, and murderous stratagem in which unhappy France

ty had fallen on their shoulders. It is to the eternal honour of the Republic, of Barneveld, who directed

Nothing seemed more probable, and the States implored the Stadholder to take special heed to himself. But this was a kind of caut

and the leading statesmen of France. We have seen their effects in that lingering sentiment of shame which prevented the S

ation reached the special ambassadors in London at three o'clock of Monday, the 17th May. James returned to Whitehall from a hunting expedition on the 21st,

e cause of the princes. He was now seriously and explicitly to be summoned to assist the princes not only with the stipulated 4000 men, but with a much greater force, proportionate to the demands for the security and welfare of Christendom, endangered by this extraordinary

t it is within your power to rescue the affairs of France, Germany, and of the Unit

promptly, in order to take advantage of the time, and not to allow the adversary to fortify himself

very plainly that more had passed between the late king and the authorities of the Republic than had been revealed by either party to the King of Great Britain, or than could be understood from the letters and papers now communicated. He desired further information from the commissioners, especially in regard to those articles of their instructions which referred to a general rupture. They professed inability to give more explanations than were contained in the documents themselves. If suspicion was felt, they said, that the French King had been propo

hat grave suspicions remained of something important kept back by them. Cecil's manner was constrained and

tre-but he who would have all may easily lose all. Such projects as these should not have be

ed in the States' service might be made use of with the forces sent by the Republic itself. More assistance than this it was idle to expect, unless after a satisfactory arrangement with the present regency of Fran

y the commissioners, according to pre

they all kept their hats on their heads. The King was hosp

nited Netherlands, enquiring especially as to the late commotions at Utrecht, and the conduct of Prince Maurice on that occasion. He praised the resolute conduct of the States-General in sup

e Netherlands, and in reply to his enquiries was informed that th

one mind about it, but I will bet that my opinion is the best of any, although I would not hang my salvation upon it. My Lords the States would do well to order their doctors and tea

ination or justification, the King rose, took off his hat, and drank a bumper to the health

consideration for their government, performed the ceremony of knighthood upon them, as was his custom in regard to the ambassadors of Venice. The sword being presented to him by the Lord Chamberlain, Jame

pain and the Pope gave their hearty adhesion to the combinations of Maximilian of Bavaria, now that the mighty designs of the French king were buried with him. The Duke of Savoy, caught in the trap of his own devising, was fain to send his son to sue to Spain for pardon for the family upon his knees, and expiated by draining a deep cup of humiliation his ambitious designs upon the Milanese and the matrimonial alliance with France. Venice recoiled in horror from the position she found herself in as soon as the glamour of Henry's seductive policy was dispelled, while James of Great Britain,

Pope. Had the Republic not existed, nothing could have prevented that debateable and most important territory from becoming provinces of Spain, whose power thus dilated to gigantic proport

ilitary operations, marched straight upon Julich, and laid siege to that important fortress. The Archdukes at Brussels, determined to keep out of the fray as long as possible, offered no opposition to the passage of his supplies up the Rhine, which might have been seriously impeded by them at Rheinberg. The details of the siege, as of all the Prince's sieges, possess no more interest to the general reader than the working out of a geometrical problem. He was incapable of a fl

as to be made in the liberty of Roman Catholic worship, nor in the city magistracy. The citadel and its contents were to be handed over to the Princes of Brandenburg and Neuburg. Archduke Leopold and his adherents departed to Prague, to carry out as he best could

rinces in the full possession of those splendid and important provinces, and had dictated her decrees on German soil to the Emperor of Germany, and had towed, as it were, Gre

up a reconciliation. He thought his ambassador would soon "have as good occasion to employ his

meaning of the great movements in the duchies. "I only wish that I may handsomely wind my

inces should be held in seguestration by France until a decision as to the true sovereignty could be reached, was promptly declined. Maurice of Nassau had hardly gained so signal a t

he States' troops had ret

in very long under the protection of the heretic States-General and in the 'Condominium' of two Protestant princes. There was fear among the Imperialists, Catholics, and Spaniards, lest the baleful constellation of the Seven Provinces might be increased by an eighth star. And this was a project not to be

f his dinner, fonder of his magnificent collections of gems and intagli, liking to look out of window at his splendid collection of horses, he was willing to pass a quiet life, afar from the din of battles and the turmoil of affairs. As he happened to be emperor of half Europe, these harmless tastes could not well be indulged. Moon-faced and fat, silent and slow, he was not imperial of aspect

ohemia upon Matthias, lest, being elective and also an electorate, the crown and vote of that country might pass out of the family, and so both Bohemia and the Empire be lost to the Habsburgs. The kingdom being thus secured to Matthias and his heirs,

Prague with an army, ostensibly to obtain ratification of the peace with Turkey, but in reality to force the solemn transfer of tho

t of the Hradschin, and sent packing wit

he had contrived to levy, should dart into Julich as the Emperor's representative, seize the debateable duchies, and hold them in sequestration until the Emperor should decide to whom they belonged, and, then, rushing back to Bohemia, should annihilate Matthias

er the guidance of Barneveld and by the consummate strategy of Maurice. It will be seen therefore that the Republic was playing a world's game at this moment, and doing it with skill and courage. On the issue of

e warlike bishop compelled the population to make oath to him as the Emperor's commissary. The street fighting went on however day by day, poor Rudolph meantime cowering in the Hradschin. On the third day, Leopold, driven out of the town, took up a position on the heights, from which he commanded it with his artillery. Then came a feeble voice from the Hradschin, telling all men that these Passau maraud

the nominal one by proxy of his brother Maximilian. Seven thousand men of the army of Matthias now came before Prague under command of Colonitz. The Passauers, receiving three months pay from the Emperor, marched quietly off. Leopold disappeared for the time. His chancellor and counsellor in the duchies, Francis Teynagel, a Geldrian noble, taken prisoner and put t

mmingled of Hussism, Lutheranism, and Calvinism, had obtained toleration. In a country where nine-tenths of the population were Protestants it was permitted to Protestants to build churches and to worship God in them unmolested. But these privileges had been extorted by force, and there was a sullen,

taking a leading part in it. The odds at that moment in Germany seemed desperately against the House of Austria, so deep and wide was the abyss between throne and subjects

keeping the crown of Bohemia in perpetuity. They had also discovered that Bishop-Archduke Leopold had been selected by Rudolph as chief of th

barbarous piece of mediaeval, Sclavonic architecture, with its sombre arches, and its walls encrusted with huge precious stones. The Estates of Bohemia, arrayed in splendid Zchech costume, and kneeling on the pavement, were asked whether they accepted Matthias, King of Hungary, as their lawful king. Thrice they answered Aye. Cardinal Dietrichstein then put the historic crown of St. Wenceslaus on the King's head, and Matthias swore to maintain the laws and privileges of Bohemia, including the recent charters granting libe

an, to maintain his hold on two such slippery governments as both had become since the death of their great monarchs. It had been an easier task for William the Silent to steer his course, notwithstanding all the perversities, short-comings, brow-beatings, and inconsistencies that he had been obliged to endur

. Obliged by his position to affect admiration, or at least respect, where no emotion but contempt was possible, his daily bread was bitter enough. It was absolutely necessary to humour those whom knew to be traversing his policy and desiring his ruin, for the

Parliament was told that a royal family matter regarded himself alone, and that interference on their part was an impertinence. Parliament's duty was a simple one, to give him advice if he asked it, and money when he required it, without asking for reasons. It was alre

ir policy in the duchies-did he express sympathy with Bohemian Protestantism, or, as time went on, did he dare to lift a finger or touch his pocket in behalf of his daughter and the unlucky Elector-Palatine; did he, in short, move a step in the road which England had ever trod and was bound to tread-the road of determined resistance to Spanish ambition-instantaneously

ng entanglements of the policy of James. The insolence, the meanness,

that he had never had a serious intentio

Vorstius had been a lecturer in Geneva, and beloved by Beza. He had written a book against the Jesuit Belarmino, which he had dedicated to the States-General. But he was now accused of Arminianism, Socianism, Pelagianism, Atheism-one knew not what. He defended himself in writing against these various charges, and declared himself a believer in the Trinity, in the Divinity of Christ, in the Atonement. But he had written a book on the Nature of God, and the wrath of Gomarus and Plancius and Boger

y the King of the blasphemies, heresies, and atheisms of the Professor. "Notwithstanding that the man in full assembly of the States of Holland," said the Ambassador with headlong and confused rhetoric, "had found the means to palliate and plas

d complained, "honoured, recognized as a singularity and ornament to the Academy in place of the late Josep

and the upright patriotism by which he was guided in these gathering storms. And this correspondence, as well as that maintained by him at a little later period with the successor of Aerssens at Paris, will be seen subsequently to have had a direct and most important bearing upon the policy of the Republic and upon his own fate. It is necessary therefore that the reader, interested in these complicated affairs which were soon to bring on a sanguinary war on a scal

the Archbishop of Canterbury received the advices concerni

host, and that as he affected to deem him the anointed High-priest of England, it was natural tha

of theology at Steinfurt, having manifested his learning in many books written against the Jesuits, and proved himself pure and moderate in doctrine, has been called to the vacant professorship at Leyden. This appointment is now countermined by various means. We are doing our best to arrange e

y preachers and politicians of the Reformed religion, men who refused to employ a footman or a housemaid not certified t

Advocate. For as James always dictated word for word the orations of his envoy, so had their Mightinesses at this period no head and no mouthpiece save Barneveld alone. Nothing could be drearier than these controversies, and the read

th what I have myself heard out of the King's mouth at other times, nor with the reports of former ambassadors. I cannot well understand that the King should, with such pr

varied from day to day. It was almost humorous to find him at that moment condemning all opinions but those of C

kind, stirred into theological hatred, was making a dangerous mixture. Had a man with the soul and sense of the Advocate sa

coil for us over there, and if the civil authority can be thus countermined, things will

istry were digging an abyss in which the Republic might be swallowed up for ever. If ever man worked steadily with the best lights of experience and inborn sagacity for the good of his country and in defence of a constitutional government, horribly defective certainly, but the only legal one, and on the whole a more liberal polity than any then existing, it was Barneveld. Courageously, steadily, but most

ng opportunity. Believe and cause to be believed that his Majesty's letters and Sir R. Winwood's propositions have been and shall be well considered, and that I am working with all my strength to that end. You know the constitution of our country, and can explain everything for the best. Many pious and intelligent people in this State hold themselves assured that his Majesty according to his royal exceeding great wisdom, foresight, and affection for the welfare of this land will not approve that his letters and Winwood's propositions should be scattered by the press among the com

ld had an especial distrust, and who certainly felt great animosity to him. His moderate counsels were b

Frisians, who but a short time ago had neither property nor kindred in the country, and have now very little of either, and who have given but slender proofs of constancy or service to the fatherland, could through pretended zeal gain credit over there against men well proved in all respe

d be easier than to show that James, while encouraging in so reckless a manner the emancipation of the ministers of an advanced sect in the Reformed Church from control of government, and their usurpation of supreme authority which had been destroyed in England, w

, that the conservation of the true Reformed religion is as warml

n writings of Vorstius, and with equal fairness to his accusers as he ha

r, that before proof the cause was much prejudiced by the circulation through the press of letters on the subject from important personages in England. His own efforts to do justice in the matter were traversed by suc

o the effect that the King will declare My Lords the States to be his e

ity of which his Majesty was not one of the overseers-it was time to look a little closely into the functions of governments and the nature of public and international law. Not that the sword of

removal according to his Majesty's desire. Keep me well informed, and send me word what is thought in England by the four divines of the book of Vorstius, 'De Deo,' and of his declarations on the points sent here by his Majesty. Let me know, too, if ther

urch and State through patient study of the phenomena exhibited in other countries, were the leading motives of the man. Yet he was perpetually denou

int of their good subjects could take no orders on that subject. Therefore it cannot be considered strange that we are not willing here to fall into the same obloquy. That one should now choose to turn the magistrates, who were once so seriously summoned on their consc

ter from which I hav

by its writer to be b

of it, as was not unf

was burned; but, inno

of by Barneveld's ene

L.

essions to the Roman Catholic religion. Of course intense jealousy was excited at the English court, and calumny plumed her wings for a fresh attack upon the Advocate. Of course he was sold to Spain, the Reformed religion was to be trampled out in the Provinces, and the Papacy and Holy Inquisition established on its ruins. Nothing could be more diametrically the reverse of the fact than

against the pure Evangelical doctrine, but one cannot conceive here that the knowledge and judicature of the matter belongs anywhere else than to My Lords the States of Holland, in whose service he has legally been during four months before his Majesty made the least difficulty about it. Called hither legally a year before, with the knowledge and by the order of his Excellency and the councillors of state of Holland, he has been countermined by five or six Flemings and Frisians, who, without recognizing the lawful authority of the magistrates, have sought assistance in

a of Holland, as usual, which was more than half the whole, was ready, while oth

and, and who in their conscience know that they alone have conserved the Commonwealth, are now traduced

ht by many to have made a powerful defence, he was ordered to set it forth in writing, both in Latin and in the vernacular. Furthermore it was ordained that he should make a complete refutation of all the charges already made or that might be made during the ensuing three months against him in speech, book, or letter in England, Germany, the Netherlands, or anywhere else. He was allowed one year and a half to accomplish this work, and meantime was to reside not in Leyden, nor the Hague, but in some other town of Holland, not delivering lectures or practising his profession in any way. It might be supposed that sufficient work had been thus laid out for the unfortunate doctor of divinity without lecturing or preaching. The question

eim with Prince Maurice, in which they confidentially exchanged their opinions in regard to the A

ul and industrious endeavours for the maintenance of the truth of religion, l

hen

th those advertisements he daily receives from his ministers abroad, together with the nature and disposition of those

and ruin of religion upon the subsistence whereof his Majesty doth judge

dence he reposes in your faith and affection, freely to treat with you on these points, and withal to pray you to deliver your opinion what wa

had vouchsafed to do him in holding so gracious an opini

ts and practices do aim, for instance, the alliance between France and Spain, is this, to root out rel

: the continuance of his Majesty's constant resolution for the protection of religion, and then that the King would be pleased to procure a general confederation between

esty must be not only the direc

pression which the alliance of Spain doth threaten upon them. This, I insist," repeated Mauric

gth on these points, whi

is general confederation now that these Provinces, which heretofore have been account

nerally, as your Excellency best knows, to be the only patron of Vorstius, and the protector of the schisms of Arminius. And likewise, what possibi

he secret conversation showed how deeply laid was the foundation of the political hatred, both of James and of Maurice, against the Advocate, and certainly nothing could be more preposterous than to imagine the King as the director and head of the great Protesta

erein his power doth reign, are infected with the like neglect, yet so long as so many good towns in Holland stand sou

ome difference arose between him and myself, President Jeannin came to me, requiring me in the French king's name to treat Monsieur Barneveld well, whom the King had received into his protection. The let

ick against Aerssens which he had expressly denied doing, and which had been done during hi

"shall hold underhand intelligence with the ministers of Spain and the Archduke, and that without warrant, thereby he may have the means so to carry the course of affairs that, do what they will, these Provinces

sult as to the proper means to preserve the Provinces from confusion under his Majesty's safeguard, and with the

high-treason. Surely Barneveld was in danger, and was walking among pitfalls. Most powerful and deadly enemies were silently banding themselves together against him. Could he lo

he had been instructed to carry to him the King's

said the Prince, "I and my family shall ever remain

the charge I do in their service, I could not accept the honour

them and say that he honoured the mutual amity between his realms and these Provinces by honouring the virtues of their general, whose ser

people, who know that there is no surety for themselves, their wives and children, but under the protection of your Majesty's favour. Perhaps, however, the favourers of Vorstius and Arminius will buzz into the ears of their associates that your Majesty would make a party in these Provinces by maintaining t

n the King's realms and the Provinces, the more easily to precipitate them into the arms of Spain." He added that the negotia

Advocate that no contentment could be given to his Majesty but by the banishment of Vorstius. "If the town of Le

he King has the means, if it pleases him to use them, and that without drawing sword, to range them to

d was not the man to brook it. He replied with great indignation. "I was born in liberty," he said with rising c

argument to be drawn 'a majori ad minus;' but I pray you to believe that the King of Great Brit

ing out of the room, "Whatsoever I propose to you in his

"the man was extremely distempered an

came to the throne he conceived some offence, which ever since hath r

e first time, not academically merely, but practically, was the gravest one of all. It was soon to be mooted vigorously and passionately whether the United Provinces were a confederacy or a union; a league of sovereign and independent states bound together by treaty for certain specified purposes or an incorporated whole. The Advocate and all the princi

n intolerable, the great affairs of war and peace could never have been carried on so triumphantly, had not the preponderance of the one province Holland, richer, more powerful, more important in every way than the other six provinces combined, given to the confederacy illegally, but virtually, many of the attributes of union. Rather by usucaption than usurpation Holland had in many regards come to consider herself and be considered as the Republic itself. And Barneveld, acting always in the name of Holland and wi

hemselves in determined hostility to Barneveld and to what was deemed his tyrannous usurpation. A little later the national spirit, as opposed to

ding of passing events. Barneveld did not consider himself the officer or servant of their High Mightinesses the States-General, while in reality often

end the magistracy. The casuistical questions which were fast maddening the public mind seemed of imp

rfare is bred out of subserviency to rising and rival power, were swarming about him and stinging him at every step. No parasite of Maurice could more effectively pay his court and more confidentl

ve his Majesty's confidence, and have many letters from him reaching through twelve or fifteen years, in which he does me honour and promises his royal favour. I am the more chagrined that through false and passionate reports and information-because I am resolved to remain good and true to My Lords the States, to the fatherland, and to the true Christian religion-I and mine should now be so traduced. I hope that God Almigh

it was incredible. "That men unjustly defame our cities and their regents is nothing new," he sa

enemy of God" had been defending the great heretic to James, and by so doing had excited the royal wrath not onl

ty of these Puritans," said he, "of whom at least twenty are Flemings or other foreigners equally violent, proclaim that they and the like of them mean alone to govern the Church. Let his Majesty compare this proposal with his Royal Present, with his salutary declaration at London in the year 1

he rule of Puritans over both. It needed but slender logic to reduce such a policy on his part to absurdity, but neither kings nor governments are apt to value themselves on their logic. So l

to power in Holland might be inconsistency in lesser mortals; but wha

hat he did. This fatal fact outweighed all the decorous and respectful phraseology under which Barneveld

one of the deputies and his own "court trumpeter," Uytenbogaert, to press him earnestly to grant his services to the Univer

d withal most affectionate to his Majesty's service, doth foresee the miseries

is epoch; but Sir Ralph was of an imaginative turn. He had discovered, too, that the Advocate's design was "of no other n

the States of Holland, and by the Stadholder to an important chair; and that was enough for the diplomatist and courtier. "He, and only he," said Winwood passionately, "hath opposed his Majesty's purposes with might and main." Formerly the Ambassador had been full of complaints of "the cravi

Advocate, and to paralyse the action of the Republic in the duchies. If the King had received direct instructions from the Spanish cabinet how to pla

moment, Spanish marriages were in France as

ate. And this condition had been placed before him with such arrogance that he had rejected the whole scheme. Henry was not the man to do anything dishonourable at the dictation of another sovereign. He was also not the man to be ignorant that the friendship of the Provinces was necessary to him, that cordial friendship between France and Spain was impo

refused by the King would be imposed upon his widow. He so informed the States-General, and it was known to the French government that he had informed them.

orate France, the French government, when there were many reasons for feeling sympathy with the internal rebellion against that government. Maurice felt differently. He was connected by blood or alliance with more than one of the princes now perpetually in revolt. Bouillon was his brother-in-law, the sister of Conde was his brother's wife. Another cousin, th

vernment with much fervour. With Henry IV. he had been all-powerful. His position had been altogether exceptional, and he had wielded an influence at Paris more than that exerted by any foreign ambassador. The change naturally did not please him, although he well knew the reasons. It was impossible for the Dutch ambassador to be popular at a court where Spai

t degree that she could not refrain from demanding if it came from My Lords the States or from himself. He having, however, affirmed to her Majesty that he had express charge to justify it by

at the marriages were by no means concluded, and that, even if they were, their Mightinesses were not interested therein, their Majesties intending to remain by the old maxims and alliances of the late king. Marriages, he would be instructed to say, were mere personal conventions, which remained of no consideration when the interests of the crown were touched. "Nevertheless, I know very well

ith the immediate financial arrangements of France, England, and the St

m it their assured security. What he means by that, I certainly cannot conceive, for Don Pedro proposed the marriage of the Dauphin (now Louis XIII.) with the Infanta on the condition that Henry should renounce all friendship with your Mightinesses, and neither openly nor secretly give you any assistance. You were to be entirely abandoned, as an example for all who throw off the authority of their lawful prince. But his Majesty answered very generously that he would take no conditions; that he considered your Mightinesses as his

he was first to discover, and which it was so important for the States to know. It was none the less certain in Barneveld's mind that the best, no

your detriment or that of her other allies. But whatever fine declarations they may make, it is sure to be detrimental. And all the princes, gentlemen, and officers here have the same conviction. Those of the Reformed

ase-making, and their Mightinesses were informed that the communication of the marriages was made to them before any other power had been notified, in proof of the extraordinary affection entertained for them by France. "You are so much interested in the happiness of France," said Refuge, "that this treaty by which it is secured will be for

your Mightinesses, as M. de Villeroy now confesses, although he says that this will not be consented to on this side. It behoves your Mightinesses to use all your ears and eyes. It is certain these are much more than private conventions. Yes, there is nothing private about them, save the

ssy or not was a question. But there was no question that the States at this juncture, and in spite of the dangers impending from the Spanish marriages, must have an ambassa

r recall; but I find among some gentlemen the opinion that if earnestly pressed to continue you would be willing to listen to the proposal.

eld, as will subsequently appear. The subject was a most important one, not only in its relation t

no?" And it was decided by a majority of votes "to leave it to his candid opinion if in his free conscience he thinks he can serve the public caus

urtesy towards a diplomatist whose position from no apparent fault of his own but by the

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