The Life of John of Barneveld, 1609-15, Volume I.

Founder of the Commo

range Stadholder, but

f Utrecht maintaine

ivil Functionaries a

England, and to Ven

or of Theology at Leyd

posed by the Great Pro

Struggle for his Suc

ne of Neuburg hold the

eror, though having Ri

King of France-He be

ect the Possessory Pri

a

ght after the lapse of two centuries and a half have faded into comparative oblivion, so impersonal and shadowy his presence would have seemed upon the great Europea

ided and the peculiar and abnormal office which he held combined to cast a veil over his individuality. The ever-teeming brain, the restless almost omnipresent hand, the fertile pen, the eloquent and ready tongue, were seen, heard, and obeyed by the great European public, by the monarchs, statesmen, and warriors of the time, at m

l and historical disquisitions of great depth and length on questions agitating Europe, constitutional arguments, drafts of treaties among the leading powers of the world, instructions to great commissions, plans for European campaigns, vast combinations covering the world, alliances of empire, scientific expeditions and discoveries-papers such as

n the statesman's own hand with the elaborate phrases of compliment belonging to the epoch such as "Noble, strenuous, severe, highly honourable, very learned, very discreet, and very wise masters," and ending with "M

no doubt that if William the Silent was the founder of the independence of the United Provinces Barneveld was the founder of the Commonwealth itself. He had never the opportunity, perhaps he might have never had the capacity, to make such prodigious sacrifices in the cause of

l men as it is at this moment to nearly every inhabitant of the Netherlands. Even now political passion is almost as ready to flame forth either in ardent affection or enthusiastic hatred as if two centuries and a half had not elapsed since his death. His name is

an have no hereditary bias as to its ecclesiastical or political theories may at least attempt the task wi

ife and works of the Advocate were a vital ingredient down to the period when Spain after more than forty years of h

tury had sullenly rolled away, while at every point of the horizon they were seen massing themselves anew in portentous and ever accumulating strength. At any moment the faint and sickly sunshine in which poor exhausted Humanity was essaying a feeble twitter of hope as it plumed itself for a peaceful flight might be again obscured. To us of a remot

nt and gigantic war as in a mirage. It will be necessary to direct the reader's attention at the proper moment to that episode, for it was one in which the beneficent sagacity of Barneveld was conspicuously exerted in the cause of peace and conservation. Meantime it is not agreeable to reflect that this

lt to disentangle a single thread from the great historical tapestry of the Republic and of Europe in which his life and achievements are interwoven. He was a public man

great hostile camps according to creeds rather than frontiers that the history

al or social contract arrived. Men dealt almost exclusively with facts, and when the facts arranged themselves illogically and incoherently the mischief was grave and difficult to remedy. It is not a trifling inconvenience for an organized commonwealth to be in doubt as to where, in whom, and of what nature is its soverei

son of Maurice of Nassau with a grandeur which many a crowned potentate might envy. His ample appointments united with the spoils of war provided him with almost royal revenues, even before the death of his elder brother Philip William had placed in his hands the principality and wealthy possessions of Orange. Hating contradiction,

should step forward as a master in those complicated and difficult pursuits, soon to absorb the attention of the Com

minal republic, but the servant of the States-General, and t

trols the regular movements and accounts for the aberrations of humanity in widest spheres as well as narrowest circles far more generally a

e and dangerous schemers who saw thei

ood among the foremost great powers of the day. It is not easy in imagination to thrust back the present leading empires of the earth into the contracted spheres of their not remote past. But to feel how a little confederacy of seven provinces loosely tied together by an ill-defined treaty

led on to solve great problems and try conclusions; the study of political international equilibrium, now rapidly a

f universal monarchy. Both Spain and France could dispose of somewhat larger resources absolutely, although not relatively, than the Seven Provinces, while at least trebling them in population. The yearly revenue of Spain after deduction of its pledged resources was perhaps equal to a million sterling, and that of France with the same reservation was

the Imperial house of Habsburg can scarcely

rate one for the Netherlands, nor the resources of the various pl

ent existence was hardly believed in by potentate or statesman outside its own borders, and had not been very long a decided article of faith even within them. The knotty problem of an acknowledgment of that existence, the admission of the new-born state into the family of nations, and a temporary peace guaranteed by two great powers, had at last been solved mainly by the genius

ubmerged, but freighted with inestimable treasures for itself and the world. It needed an unsleeping eye and a

acy-close corporations, self-elected-by which every city was governed. Nothing could be more preposterous. Practically, however, these boards were represented by deputies in each of

ing to impose a supremacy which on the whole was practically conceded by the rest. Thus the Union of Utre

n. He took the lead in the deliberations both of the States of Holland and the States-General, moved resolutions, advocated great measures of state, gave heed to their execution, collected the votes, summed up the proceedings, co

eveld had been doi

ent which had called it into being. Losing ground in France, fluctuating in England, Protestantism was apparently more triumphant in vast territories where the ancient Church was one day to recover

ing to a war of which no man could even imagine the horrors or foresee the vast extent. The Cath

oly Empire which so ingeniously combined the worst characteristics of despotism and republicanism kept all Germany and half Europe in the turmoil of a perpetual presidential election. A theatre where trivial personages and gracele

Vienna, London, would have lived and died unknown but for the crowns they wore, and while there

han John of Barneveld, and no man had

s pedigree until in later life, being assailed by vilest slander, all his kindred nearest or most remote being charged with every possible and unmentionable crime, and himself stigmatized as sprung from the lowest kennels of humanity-as if thereby his private character and public servic

ld in the world by right divine of intellect, but as the father of lies seemed to have kept his creatures so

mporary with the great war of freedom, he had served as a volunteer and at his own expense through several campaigns, having nearly lost his life in the disastrous attempt to relieve

age of twenty-nine to the important post of Chief Pensionary of Rotterdam. So long as William the Silent lived, that great prin

Republic with paralysis, Barneveld was foremost among the statesmen of

ign countship on his son Maurice, then a lad of eighteen and a student at Leyden, would have seemed to many at so terrible a crisis an act of madness, although Barneveld had been willing to suggest and promote

two countries throughout all this portion of his career. Both monarchs refused, almost spurned, the offered crown in which

ted by the spirit of provincial separatism, Barneveld now proposed and carried the appointment of Maurice of Nassau to the stadholdership of Holland. This was done against great opposition and amid fierce debate. Soon afterwards Barneveld was vehemently urged by the nobles and regents of the cities of Holland to accept the post of Advocate of that province. Af

nd ancient convention between those two provinces allowing the citizens of either to enjoy legal and civic rights in both. Gradually, without intrigue or inordinate ambition, but from force of circumstances and the commanding power of the man, the native autho

the House of Nassau that procured the election of Maurice to those posts. Thus within six years after his father's death the youthful soldier who had already giv

e step in advance of the practice of the sixteenth century. Burning, hanging, and burying alive of culprits guilty of another creed than the dominant one had become obsolete. But there was an established creed-the Reformed religion, founded on the Netherland Confession and the Heidelberg Catechism. And there was one established principle then considered throughout Europe the grand result of the Reformation; "Cujus regio ejus religio;" which was in reality as impudent an invasion of human right as any heaven-born dogma of Infallibility. The sovereig

tic hierarchy. Nothing could be severer than the simplicity of the Reformed Church, nothing more imperious than its dogma, nothing more infallible than its creed. It was the true religion, and there was none other. But to whom belonged the ecclesiastical edifices, the splendid old minsters in the cities-raised by the people's confiding piety and the purchased remission of t

ic worship, of appointing preachers, church servants, schoolmasters, sext

cclesiastics paid. The states of Holland are as sovereign as the kings of England or Denmark, the electors of

pointing board should be established composed of civil functionaries and church official

as yet few symptoms of schism in the dominant church. But there was to come a time when the struggle between church a

as it had ever been in that of William the Silent, was to maintain close friendship with France, whoever might be its ruler. An alliance between that kingdom and Spain would be instantaneous ruin

just bound himself to Spain to give no assistance to the Provinces, open or secret, he would furnish them with thirteen hundred thousand crowns, payable at

here seems to have been nothing in the usages of the time or country to make the transaction, innocent in itself, in any degree disreputable. The King promised at some future clay, when he shoul

hem at that moment to pay a thousand million. It was at last agreed that the sum of the debt should be fixed at L800,000, and that the cautionary towns should be held in Elizabeth's hands by English troops until all the debt should be discharged. Thus England for a long time afterwards continued to regard itself, as in a measure the sovereign and proprietor of the Confederacy, and Barneveld then and there formed the resolve to relieve the country of the

the Ambassador. "I will assist you even if you were up to the neck

he was destined to have many dealings, and who was to exert so baleful an influence on his career. At last came the time when it was felt that peace between Spain and her revolted provinces might be made. Th

e after two years' negotiation, perpetually traversed and secretly countermined by the military party under the influence of Maurice, was carried by the determination of Barneveld

protested against carrying out the custom on this occasion, and urged that those presents should be given for the public use. He was overruled by

e present one is intended as a sequel. It has been thought necessary merely to recall very briefly a fe

observed. The truce was the work of Barneveld. It

nts of the cities and in the open country are inclined to peace. And I believe, in case of continuing adversities, that the other half will not remain constant, principally because the Provinces are robbed of all traffic, prosperity, and navigation, throug

iftly dwindling. The Advocate now explained that, "without loss both of important places and of reputation," the States could not help spending every month that they took the field 200,000 florins over and above the regular contributions, and some months a great

ured of carrying on the mighty struggle alone. Spain was the common enemy of all. No peace or hope was possible for the leading powers as long as Spain was perpetually encamped in the very heart of Western Europe. The Netherlands were not fighting their own battle m

vereignst and most assured remedy would be the one so often demanded, often projected, and sometimes almost prepared for execution, namely that our neighbour kings, princes, and republics should earnestly take the matter in hand and drive the Spaniards and their adherents out of the Netherlands and over the mountains. Their own dignity and security ought not to permit such great bodies of troops of both belligerents permanently massed in the Netherlands. Still less ought they to allow these Provinces to fall into the hands of the Spaniards, whence they could with so much more power and conv

have firm hopes that other kings, princes, and republics will not stay upon formalit

military mutiny; to tax the community above its strength will cause popular tumults, especially in 'rebus adversis,' of which the beginnings were seen last year, and without a powerful army the enemy is not to be withstood. I have received your letters to the 17th Ma

esman and the great military chieftain became inevitable. The importance of the one s

in modern Europe. The youthful aristocracy from all countries thronged to his camp to learn the game of war, for he had restored by diligent study of the ancients much that was noble in that pursuit, and had elevated into an art that which had long since degenerated into a system of butchery, marauding, and rapine. And he had fought with signal success and unquestionable heroism the most important and most brilliant pitched battle of the age. He was a central figure of the current histo

of the stuff of which kings were made, and belonged by what was then accounted right divine to the family of kings. His father's death had alone prevented his elevation to the throne of Holland, and such possession of half the sovereignty of the United Netherlands would probably have expanded into dominion over all the seven with a not fantastic

ossession of Maurice, and a few years before the peace there had been a private meeting of leading personages, of which Barneveld was the promoter and chief spokesman, to take into consideration the propriety and possibility of conferring that sovereignty up

y. The Provinces had not pledged themselves to republicanism, but rather to monarchy, and the crown, although secretly coveted by Henry IV., could by no possibi

, so men believed, by the Princess-Dowager, Louise de Coligny, widow of William the silent, as to the feasibility of procuring the sovereignty for Maurice. She had done this at the instigation of Maurice, who had expressed his belief that the favourable influence of the Advocate would make success certain and who had represented to her that, as he was himself resolved never to marry,

her family, a profound reverence for the virtues, sacrifices, and achievements of her lamented husband, and a wa

and independence and were delivered from the fears of Spanish ferocity and French intrigue, they shuddered at the dangers from royal hands out of which they had at last escaped. He believed that they would be capable of tearing in pieces any one who might make the desired proposition. After all, he urged, Maurice was a hundred times more fortunate as he was than if he should succeed in desires so opposed to his own good. This splendour of soverei

fice. He had a share of appointment to the magistracies. He had the same advantages and the same authority as had bee

him even to the ribbands of his pages' and his lackeys' shoes. He turned to the annals of Holland and showed the Princess that there had hardly been a so

on to give up a project sure to be fatal to his welfare, his peace of mind, and the good of the country. Maurice

ined loyal to Bar

tragical results for ever to be deplored. Already in 1607 Francis Aerssens had said that the two had become so embroiled and things had gone so far that one or the other would have to leave the country. He permitted also

serving in the States' army was his habitual antagonist in that game, and, although the stakes were but a crown a game, derived a steady income out of his gains, which were more than equal to his pay. The Prince was sulky when he lost, sitting, when the candles were burned out and bed-time had arrived, with his hat pulled over his brows, without bidding his guest good night, and leaving him to f

correspondence, there is little that is characteristic to be found in his own. He was plain but not shabby in attire, and was always dressed in exactly the same style, wearing doublet and hose of brown woollen, a silk under vest, a short cloak lined with velvet, a little plaited ruff on his neck, and very loose boots. He ridiculed the smart French officers who, to show their

g thin, but hardly tinged with grey, a bright, cheerful, and thoughtful forehead, large hazel eyes within a singularly large orbit of brow; a straight, thin, slightly aquiline, well-cut nose-such features were at open variance with the broad, thick-lipped, sensual mouth, the he

ngue and pen, having the power of saying much in few words, he cared much more for the substance than the graces of speech or composition. This tendency was not ill exemplified in a note of his written on a

est, soundest, wisest, and best couched despatches done by several preceding ambassadors in order to

scrawled in his nearl

test about matters of importanc

h in shortest about matters of importance" was enough for him; but the world in general, and especially the world of posterity, cares much for style. The vehicle is often prized more than the freight. The name of Barneveld is fast fading out of men's memory. The fame of his pupil and companion in fortune and misfortune, Hugo Grotius, is ever green. But Grotius was essentially an author rather than a statesman: he wrote for the world and posterity with all the love, pride, and charm of the devotee of literature, and he composed his noblest works in a language which is ever living because

to possess two such magnificent and widely contrasted capacities, be wise enough to keep

temporary-that Wurtemberg astronomer, once a soldier of the fierce Alva, now the half-starved astrologer of the brain-sick Rudolph-was at that moment d

he displeasure of most of the Lord's anointed. Rebellious and republican, it n

to be much virtue in the conjunction. But their sovereign independence was virtually recognized by the world. Great nations had entered into publ

absence of the word India, suppressed as it was in the treaty, implied an immense triumph on the part of the States, and that their flourishing and daily increas

ovince of his own, because he still held the cautionary towns in pledge for the loans granted by his predecessor. His agents at Constantinople were instructed to represent the new state as unworthy to accredit its envoys as those of an independent power. The Provinces were represented as a collection of audacious rebels, a piratical scum of the sea. But the Sultan

mplished minister of the States, resident in Paris for many years, was received as ambassador after the truce with all the ceremonial befitting the highe

ant to continue his aid and assistance to the

w years b

fend the King of Spain f

Ambassador; "the King of Spain

of Spain at the end of our term when our best friends make this distinction among themselves to our disadvantage. They insist

use the word 'sovereignty' on all occasions instead of

ut of lagunes and sand banks, and affecting to place herself side by side with emperors, kings, and the lion of St. Mark. But the all-accomplished council of that

soon thought highly desirable to intimate half officially that a legation from the States-General to the Qu

or some time been employed in an attempt to negotiate a double marriage between the Dauphin and the eldest daughter of Philip III., and between the eldest son of that king and the Princess Elizabeth of France. An indispensable but secret condition of this negotiation was the absolute renunciation by France of its alliance and friendly relations with the United Provinces. The project was in truth a hostile measure aimed directly at the life of the Republic. Henry hel

but it is stated that he was first to seek a reconci

sion, and was highly lauded by Aerssens in his daily correspondence with Barneveld. No portentous shadow of future and fatal discord between those statesmen fell upon the cheerful scene. Before the year closed, he arrived at his post, and was receive

g the States-General "most illustrious" (illustrissimi) instead

onsider himself placed in a position of greater usefulness by his formal installation as ambassador, received private intimation from Henry, with whom he was on terms of great confidence and intimacy, that he should have private access to the King as frequently and as in formally as before. The theory that the ambassador, representing the personality of his sovereign, may v

assadors had not appeared in that important epoch in diplomatic history. On the contrary, the two great republics of the age, Holla

s that their representatives should for want of proper official designations be ranked on great ceremonial occasion

e in capacity and accomplishment was a fact well known to all who had dealings with them, for the States required in their diplomatic representatives knowledge of history and international law, modern languages, and the classics, as well as familiarity with political customs and social courtesies; the breeding of gentlemen in short, and the accomplishments of scholars. It is both a literary enjoyment and a means of historical an

stions agitating Europe. The policy of isolation so wisely and successfully carried out by our own trans-Atlantic commonwealth was impossible for the Dutch republic, born as it was of a great religious schism, and with its narrow territory wedged between the chief political organizations

ssens, "then it is you Netherlanders to his Majesty. He has converted your war into peac

e envoys of the States were not reminded of the immense load of favour from England under which

sing the King of England more than him, or even of treating him on an equality with his Majesty, Henry would be very much affronted. He did not mean that they should neglect the friendship of the King of Britain, but that they should cultivate it aft

h those high qualities of genius which enabled him to mould events and men by his unscrupulous and audacious determination to conform to the spirit of h

Elizabeth so long had ruled. Finding himself at once, after years of theological study, face to face with a foreign commonwealth and a momentous epoch, in which polit

nounced the Netherlanders as a pack of rebels whom it always pleased him to irritate, and over whom he too claimed, through the possession of the cautionary towns, a kind of sovereignty. Instinctively feeling

landers, that had been fought in Flanders and Brabant. But for the alliance and subsidies of the faithful States, Henry would not so soon have ascended the throne of his ancestors, while it was matter of histor

but a geographical expression. The union of Protestantism, subscribed by a large proportion of its three hundred and seven s

its opponents were eventually broken up into hundreds of warring and politically impotent organizations. Religious faith became distorted into a weapon for selfish and greedy territorial aggrandizement in the hands of Protestant princes. "Cujus regio ejus religio" was the taunt hurled in the f

iscomfited by his apostasy, and Henry, placed in a fearfully false position, was an object of suspicion to both friends and foe

urch, while among the Protestant portion a dire and tragic convulsion was about to break forth, which for a time

s to advocate publicly a milder creed. It was not until the appointment of Jacob Arminius to the professorship of theology at Leyden, in the place of Francis Junius, in the year 1603, that a danger of schism in the Church, seemed impending. Then rose the great Gomarus in his wrath, and with all the powers of splendid eloquence, profound learning, and

h Spain had been made, so it was urged and honestly believed, not against the Inquisition, not to prevent Netherlanders from being burned and buried alive by the old true church, not in defence of ancient charters, constitutions, and privileges-the precious result of centuries of popular resistance to

quite possible that without that enthusiasm the war might not have been carried on to its successful end. But it is equally certain that Catholics, Lutherans, Baptists, and devotee

en who with William the Silent and Barneveld had indulged in the vision of religious equality as

having dared to refuse signing the Creed were to be d

an ordinance of the Holy Ghost in its community, not depending upon any man's authority, but proceeding from God to the community." They complained that the true church was allowed to act only through the civil government, and

, ostentatious opposition to My Lords the States-General. It was for Netherlanders to decide whether, after having shaken off the Holy Inqu

ical as well as religious is due, was not easy to adopt in an old country like the Netherlands. Splendid churches and cathedrals, the legal possession of which would be contended for by rival sects, could scarcely be replaced by temporary structures of lath and plaster, or by humble back parlours of me

ation of the priesthood to the civil authority would be maintained. But if the Holy Ghost, through the assembled clergy, were to dictate an iron formulary to which all must conform, to make laws for church government which every ci

possibility that the vile heresy of Arminius might be correct. An unconditional synod was demanded. The Heidelberg Creed and Netherland Catechism were sacred, infallible, not to be tou

pursuits, the ecclesiastical trumpet again sounded far and wide, and contending priests and laymen rushed madly to the fray. The Remonstrance and Contra-Remonstrance, and the appointment of Conrad Vorstius, a more abominable heretic t

of France, who had often abjured his religion, and was now the best of Catholics, was denounced ferociously in every Catholic pulpit in Christendom as secretly an apostate again, and the open protector of heretic

rmour to annihilate Arminians and to defend and protect Puritans in Holland, while swearing that in En

d on his great-grandfather's motto of humility, "Nil scire tutissima fides" was perhaps nearer to the dogma of the dominant Refor

t destined to change his opinions. Perhaps the Prince might alter. But Maurice then paid no heed to the great point at issue, about which all the Netherlanders were to take each other by the throat-absolute predestination. He knew that the Advocate had refused to listen to his stepmother's suggestion as to his obtaining the sovereignty. "He knew nothing of predestination," he was

not interest him much, and h

intercede for a deserter condemned to be hanged, "are you one of those Armini

ency will be graciously pleased to observe that this is not the opinion of those wh

ing to Count Lewis William, Stadholder of Friesland, who was present, standin

t, cousin, the

red Count Lewis, "y

stent phalanx was opposed the Great Protestant Union, ardent and enthusias

out of the elemental conflict which had already lasted so long. Still later was the total divorce of State and Church to be achieved as the final consummation of the great revolution. Meantime it was

the humiliation of a treaty of truce with its rebellious subjects which was substantially a recognition of their independence. Nothing could b

s sovereign that he had often seen officers in the army prostrating themselves on their knees in the streets before their sovereign as he

o him even had he been disposed to grant assistance. The terrible Duke of Lerma was still his inexorably lord and master, and the secretary of that powerful personage, who kept an

o the disadvantage of the Republic and of the Reformed religion whenever Spain felt herself strong enough to make the attempt. He was especially anxious that the States should make no concessions in regard to the exercise of the Catholic worshi

s regard," said he to Aerssens. "Take example by me. I should be

nd the King, at that time much under the influence of the Jesuits, had almost set his heart on the conversion. Aerssens insinuated that Sully was dreading a minute examination into the affairs of his administration of the financ

ertain that Henry at this

hatever pretences he may make. His bellicose demeanour has been assumed only to help forward our treaty, which he would never have favoured, and ought never to have fav

e, and believed it might have been obtained if the King had not begun the matter so feebly, and if

em at the French court. They would find little hindrance in this course if the Republic did not show its teeth, and especially if it did not stiffly

nd so arranging their affairs that on the resumption of hostilities, if come they must, their

lied on as a friend and in case of need an ally, so long as it was governed by its prese

ed threshold of old age which h

censure which much of his private life at this perio

, secretly corresponding, by assumed authority, with Spain, in direct violation of the King's instructions to his ambassadors, and gorging himself with wealth and offices at the expense of everything respectable in France; surrounded by a pack of malignant and greedy nobles, who begr

y, and Sully, the two first were ancient Leaguers, and more devote

ts at intrigue; steady self-seekers, and faithful to office in which their lives had passed, they might be relied

rimly over the exchequer confided to him, which was daily growing fuller in despite of the cormorants who trembled at his frown; hard worker, good hater, conscientious politician, who filled his own coffers without dishonesty, and those of the state without tyranny; unsociable, arrogant; pious, ve

riends, had declared, on some temporary vexation in regard to the affair between Aiguillon and Balagny, that he would deal with the Duke as with the late Marshal de Biron, and make him smaller than he had ever made him great: goading him on this occasion with importunities, almost amounting to commands, that both he and h

true that this admiration was in part attributed to the singular coincidence of Barneveld's views of policy with the King's own. Sully, on his part, was a severe critic of that policy. He believed that better terms might have been exacted from Spain in the late negotiations, and strong

ve been better to throw himself into a severe war than to see the Republic perish. He further expressed the conviction that Henry ought to have such authority over the Netherlands that they would embrace blindly whatever couns

mazed at these frank communications, for in those letters he spares neither My Lords the States, nor his Excellency Prin

est of each. Henry, although boasting of having bought Paris with a mass, knew as well as his worst enemy that in that bargain he had never purchased the confidence of the ancient church, on whose bosom he had flung himself with so much dramati

ugh pitfalls with a crowd of invisible but relentless foes dogging his every footstep. In his household or without were daily visions of dagger and bowl, and he felt himself marching to his doom. How could

nerating the Catholics and going out of his way to stigmatize the Puritans as entertaining doctrines which should be punished with fire. As the Puritans had certainly not been accused of complicity with Guy Fawkes or Garnet, this portion of the discourse was at least superfluous. But James loathed nothing so much as a Puritan. A Catholic at heart, he would have been the warmest ally of the League had he only been permitted to be Pope of Great Britain. He hated and feared a Jesuit, not for his religious doctrines, for with these he sympathized, but for his

from him one of the King's books, and being asked what he thought of it-"It is not the business of us kings to write, but to fight. Ev

rowbeat a Presbyterian deputation, "that the high-priesthood and royalty ought to be united, but I never witnessed the actual junction till now, after hearing the learned discourse of

heological and political opinions. He imagined himself a defender of the

me principle-the supremacy of State over Church. He sentenced Bartholomew Legate to be burned alive in Smithfield as a blasphemous heretic, and did his best to compel the States of Holland to take the life of Professor Vorstius of Leyden. He persecuted the Presby

rland independence, while denouncing the Provinces as gu

in bringing about the peace, and neverth

mes that there should be no acknowledgment in the treaty of the liberty of the States. Henry wrote to Jeannin t

cuing the Crown from dependence on Parliament; in straining to the utmost the royal prerogative; in substituting proclamations for statutes; in doing everything in his power,

ance, and few things in history are more amazing than the persistency with which h

to close alliance. It is pathetic to see men like Barneveld and Hugo Grotius obliged, on great occasions of stat

nces, little and big, fighting amongst each other, and falling into daily changing combinations as some masterly or mischievous hand whirled the kaleidoscope; drinking Rhenish by hogsheads, and beer by the tun; robbing churches, dictating creeds to their subjects, and breaking all the commandments themselves; a people at the bottom dimly striving towards religious freedom and political life out of abject social, ecclesiastical, and political serfdom, and perhaps even then dumbly feeling within its veins, with that prophetic instinct which never abandons great races, a far distant and magnificent Future of national unity and Imperial splendo

disguised themselves as grooms and stable-boys to obtain accidental glimpses of a sovereign who rarely granted audiences. His nights were passed in star-gazing with Tycho de Brake, or with that illustrious Suabian whose name is one of the great lights and treasures of the world. But it was not to study the laws of planetary motion nor to fathom mysteries of divine harmony that the

n had stood still in Ajalon, had denounced his theory of planetary motion. His mother had just escaped being burned as a witch, and the world

s of royalty. Timid by temperament, yet liable to fits of uncontrollable anger, he broke his furniture to pieces when irritated, and threw dishes

s to the Protestants of Bohemia, and had bitten the pen to pieces in a paroxysm of

as its chief, and dreaming of the Bohemian crown; there was the just-born Catholic League, with the calm, far-seeing, and egotistical rather than self-seeking Maximilian at its head; each combination extending over the whole country, stamped with imbecility of action from its birth, and perverted an

ngled interests of individuals, and the conflict of theological dogmas and religious and political intrigue which furnished so much material out of which wide-rea

ame to the Royal Arsenal, the residence of Sully, accompanied by Zamet and another of his intimate companions. He asked for the Duke and was told that he was busy in his study. "Of course," said the King, turning to his followers, "I

erved: "Well; here the Duke of Cleve is

he inheritance was of vit

and geographical, closely wedged between Catholicism and Protestantism, and between France, the United Provinces, Belgium, and Germany. Should it fall into Catholic hands, the Netherlands were lost, trampled upon in every corner, hedged in on a

France, although Catholic, was the ally of Holland and the secret but well known enemy of the House of Austria. It was inevitable that the king of that country,

th and Francis Aerssens, ambassador of the States, were of almost daily occurrence. The minute details given in the adroit diplomatist's correspondence indicate at ev

claiming the herit

dman John William died childless in the spring of 1609. His sister Sibylla, an ancient and malignant spinster, had governed him and his possessions except in his lucid intervals. The mass of the population over which he ruled being Protestant, while the reigning family and the

f witchcraft and other crimes possible and impossible, was thrown into prison. Two years long the devilish malignity of the sister-in-law was exercised upon her victim, who, as it is related, was not allowed natural sleep during all that period, being at every hour awakened by command of Sibylla. At last the Duchess was strangled in prison. A new wife was at once provided fo

esentatives of his three dead sisters, and the l

ask to retrace the legal arguments by which the various parties prepared themselves to vindicate their claims, each pretender more triumphantly than the other. The naked facts alone retain vital interest, an

hat country sent their agents into the duchies to look

ates who in reality could

wis, Count-Palatine of Neuburg; the children of which marriage stood next in succession to those of the eldest sister, should that become extinguished. Four years later the third sister, Magdalen, espoused the Duke John, Count-Palatine of Deux-Ponts; who, like Neuburg, made resignation of rights of succession in favour of the descendants of the B

s those of the Deux-Ponts branch were not des

one side and the Elector of Brandenburg and

refreshing nutriment as would the heaps of erudition hardly ten years old, and yet as antiquated as the title-deeds of the Pharaohs, concerning the claims to the Duchies of Schleswig-Holstein. The fortunate hou

rs on whose friendship he must depend for the establishment of his claims: the United Republic and the King of France. James of England was on the whole inclined to believe in the rights of Bra

urg, but at his request Barneveld furnished a paper on the subject, by which th

as instinctively felt throughout Christendom that the great duel between the ancient church

to say, till the Greek Kalends. His familiar and most tricksy spirit, Bishop-Archduke Leopold, played at once on his fears and his resent

ined like most of the functionaries throughout the duchies to the Catholic cause, was delighted to recognize under the livery of the lackey the cousin and representative of the Emperor. Leopold, who had brought but five men with him, had conquered his capital at a blow. For while thus comfortably established as temporary governor of the duchies he desi

oming to support him throughout this audacious scheme. The champion of the Church, the sovereign prince of important provinces, the possession of which ensured conclusive triumph to th

nry's agent in Germany, "is

d made an arrangement. By the earnest advice of Barneveld in the name of the States-General and as the result of a general council of many Protestant princes of

n Dusseldorf with the consent of the provincial estat

the chief citadel of the country, while Protestantism in the s

t religious war of forty years, not yet had the ratifications been exchanged, but

ge to the States-General, expressing the hope that they would subm

. They expressed the hope that, when better informed, he would see the validity of the Treaty of Dortmund. "My Lords the States-General," said the Advocate, "will protect the princes against vi

d the Emperor to decide a question of life and death to herself, nor to permit Spa

erests and passions was firmly held in the hand of Barneveld, it was not to him nor to My Lords

blic, intruding herself among the family of kings, to def

nt of his political weakness. The States-General on the other hand were firmly disposed for Brandenburg from the first, not only as a strenuous supporter of the Reformation and an ancient ally of their own always interested in th

ding an arrangement that the Palatine should marry the daughter of the Elector. In the heat of discussion Brandenburg on one occasion is said to have given his intended son-in-law a box on the ear! an argument 'ad hominem' which seems to have had the effect of sending the Palatine into the bosom of the ancient

the keyholes in Paris, that centre of ceaseless combination and conspiracy, and was besides in almost daily confidential intercourse with the King. Most patiently and minutely he kept the Advocate informed, almost from hour to hour, of every web that was spun, every conversation public or whispered in which important af

ng throughout the negotiations sought to force or wheedle the States into renouncing that commerce at the command of Spain, because he wished to help himself to it afterwards, and being now in the habit of secretly receiving Isaac Le Maire and other Dutch leaders in th

ip between the two countries. Henry, far from concealing his political affection for the Republic, was desirous of receiving a special embassy of congratulation and grati

rd and deference of My Lords the States for his Majesty." The Ambassador suggested that Cornelis van der Myle, son-in-law of B

uburg might have gained his cause in this court. Brandenbur

judgment," added the envoy, "if you

evail. Henry, while loudly asserting that he would oppose any usurpation on the part of the Emperor or any one else against the Condominium, privately renewed to the States assurances of his intention to support ultimately the claims of Brandenburg, and notified them to hold the two regiments of French infantry, which by convention they still kept at his expense in their service, to be ready at a moment's warning for the great en

nburg by the Austrians, who had however no intention of eventually tolerating either, could make but small headway at co

t on this subject, but had manifested wonderful indifference or suspicion in regard to France. "

r of Saxony three quarters of a century before, gave solemn warning to Brandenburg of what might be exacted by a greater Henry, should success be due to his protection. It was also tho

with excuses for the dilatoriness of his master. Much stress was laid of course on the renunciation made by Neuburg at the tithe of his marriage, and Henry was urged to grant his p

er than Neuburg, who has always sought assistance from the House of Austria. But he is too lazy in demanding possession. It is the fault of the doctors by whom he

man of Zealand, was married or of age to be married, and if she was rich; adding that they must make a match be

ly, Bouillon, and other eminent personages. Beyond the distribution of these works of art and the exchange of a few diplomatic commonplaces, nothing serious in the way of warlike business was transacted, and Henry was a few weeks later much amused by receiving a letter from the possessory princes coolly thrown into the post-office, and addressed like an ordinary letter to a private person, in which he was requested to advance them a loan of 400,000 crowns. There was a great laugh at court at a demand made like a bill of exchange at sight upon

flict which seemed likely to set Europe in a blaze, and of which possibly few living men might

ns could not go far in settling the question of the duchies in which

y princes, the League was leaving no stone unturned to awaken Henry

ad taken their departure, each receiving as a present for concluding the convention 20,000 livres from the Archdukes, and 30,000 from the States-General. Henry, returning one summer's morning from the chase and holding the Count of Soissons by one hand and Ambassador Aerssens by the other, told them he had just received letters from Spain by which he learned that people were marvellously rejoiced at the conclusion of the truce. Many ha

y saying that the States on their pa

tier, replied they would finish it

ave any courage at forty-five years of age, having none now at thirty-two. Princes show what they have in them of generosity and valour at the age of twenty-five or never." He said that orders had been sent from Spain to disband all troops in the

such princes as you wot of. The King of Spain thinks of nothing but tranquillity. The Archdukes will never move except on compulsion. The Emperor, whom every one is so much afrai

us liberty from their unlucky master in his very palace and at the point of the knife. The envoy of Matthias was in Paris demanding recognition of his master as King of Hungary, and Henry d

ntrance into Dusseldorf of the Margrave Ernest of Brandenburg and Palatine Wolfg

, and joint possession solemnly taken by Brandenburg and Neuburg in the teeth of the protest, a

of Toul, Mezieres, Verdun, and Metz, to guard against movements by the disbanded troops of the Archd

uld attempt usurpation. He sent his agent Vidomacq to the Landgrave of Hesse with instructions to do his utmost to confirm t

of his most experienced diplomatists, de Boississe, formerly ambassador in England, to reside for a year or more in the duchies as special representative of France, and directed him on his wa

's husband, the Margrave of Burgau. The King himself was perpetually at Monceaux watching the movements of his cavalry towards the Luxemburg fro

st through the Nuncius at Paris directly, and through agents at Prague, Brussels, a

utation as Eldest Son of the Church. Even if the right were on the side of the princes, his Majesty would do better to strip them of it and to clothe h

They were also likely, and were artfully so intended, to excite suspicion of Henry's designs in the breasts of the Protestants generally and of the possessory princes especially. Allusions indeed to the rectification of the Fren

Son of the Church and the chief of an unlimited monarchy make common cause with heretics and republicans against Spain and Rome? That the position was as dangerous as it was illogical, there could be but little doubt. But there was a similarity of opinion between the King and the political chief of the Republic on the great principle which was to illume the distant future but wh

t while the interests of France would not permit him to allow the Spaniard's obtaining possession of provinces so near to her, he should take care that the Church received no

d that the secret blows attempted by Spain at the princes wer

nothing less than that the decision as to the succession to the duchies should be left to a board of arbitration consisting of the King of Spain, the Emperor, and the King of France. As Henry would thus be painfully placed by himself in a h

ly belonged to the Reformed religion, but finding it more to his taste or advantage to become privy councillor of the E

the hope therefore of obtaining the King's approval of Leopold's position in Julich as temporary vicegerent of his sovereign and cousin. The real motive of his mission, however, was privately to ascertain whether Henry was really ready to go to war for the protection of the possessory princes, and then, to pr

ased, he observed, if the King of Great Britain should constitute himself arbiter among claimants that might make their appearance for the crown of France; but Henry had set himself up as umpire without being asked by any one to act in that capacity among the princes of Germany. The Emperor, on the contrary, had been appealed to by the Duke of Nevers, the Elector of Saxony, the

inish the war as well as begin it, that he confided in his strength and the justice of his cause, and that he knew very well and esteemed very little the combined forces

id of Henry than of the Emperor. His military movements and deep designs excited more suspicion throug

hts. For this convenient information he was supposed to be indebted to the revelations of Father Cotton, who was then in disgrace; hav

he French court with a wholesome awe, he talked boldly about the legitimate functions of the Emperor. To interfere with them, he assured t

ouncing envoy more judicious advice, however, than that of the Jesuit, assuring him t

s rodomontades by assuring him that his mind was fully made up to protect the possessory princes. Jeannin was present at the interview, although, as Aerssens well observed, the King required no pedagogue on such an occasion? Teynagel soon afterwards d

than cordial ally of the Imperial house. It was universally suspected that Henry meant to destroy and discrown the Habsburgs,

sed design of Maximilian to renew the glories of the House of Wittelsbach was equally vague. It is certain, however, that a belief i

good work he had been so laboriously accomplishing during the past two years should be annihilated. The Archdukes, his masters, being sincerely bent on peace, had deputed him to Henry, who, as they believed, was determined to rekindle war. As frequently happens in such cases, they wer

ssion to the duchies. They now sent Richardot to say that neither the Archdukes nor the King of Spain would interfere in the

ay his first expenses in the Julich expedition, considered that the veteran politician had come to perform a school boy's task. He was more than ever convince

ot asked if he would agree to maintain neutrality like the King of Spain and

said t

enry would assist

said t

es had justice on their side, and whether, if th

e King of Spain was plotting to usurp the provinces through the instrumentality of his b

replied Richardot, "since you are

o," said

having all the advantages that could be desired, and in case of rupture I fear t

to fear. Are you not very unhappy to live under those poor weak archdukes? Don't you foresee that as soon as t

kes they always had recourse to their servants to repair their faults. He had accepted this mission inconsiderately, he said, inspired

hrugged hi

in Julich, and the princes at Dusseldorf, or that all part

t no one of the House of Austria should ever perch in any part of tho

pplied to him or not. He would not see his friends oppressed nor allow the Spaniard by this usurpation to pu

een moving troops in Gelderland, Henry replied at once that

ce and astonishment at the result, and protested that those peoples were happy whose princes understood

rld. He died at Arras early in September, as many thought of chagrin at the ill su

rbus est," said Ae

nown two such impertinent ambassadors as Don Pedro de Toledo and Richardot on this occasion. The one had been entirely ignorant of the object of his mission; the other had shown a vain presumption

peror. Count Hohenzollern, a young man, wild, fierce, and arrogant, scarcely twenty-thre

re a king. You would not like that the Emperor should aid your subjects in rebellion. He did not do this in the time of the League, although often solicited to do so. You should not now sustain the princ

private instructions to the Emperor's envoy, by which he was enabled to me

ument in favour of the Emperor's exclusive right of arbitration, and assuring the King that the Emperor was resolved on war if interference between himself and his subjects was persisted in. He loudly pronounced the proceed

neral terms, and referred him f

rview about a month later, "to protect the princes in case the Emperor c

t is enough for you to know that I will never abandon my friends in a just cause. The Emper

nated in an exchange of threats rathe

y were placing the provinces in the hands of Protestants, he urged. It required no envoy from Prague to communicate this startling fact. Friends and foes, Villeroy and Jeannin, as well as Sully and Duplessi

princes to remain nor Leopold to wi

en to reason, but there was no use in holding language

t mundus," said the

ied Jeannin, "but not ours. I

and fraternal relations, but notified him that if, under any pretext whatever, he should trouble the princes in t

with departed, having received a present of 4000 crowns. His fie

burg, but hoping for an amicable settlement in the duchies. No suggestion being made even by the sagacious James as to the manner in which the ferret and rabbits were to come to a compromise, Henry inferred, if it came to fighting, that the English government would refuse assistance. James had asked Boderie in fact whether his sovereign and the States, being the parties chiefly interested, would be willing to fight it out without allies. He had al

s ready, and avowed his readiness, to put on armour at once in behalf of the princes, and to arbitrate on the destiny of Germany, but no one seemed ready to follow his standard. No one asked h

a King of France, and the princes expressed suspicion of him, talked

as he himself observed more than once. The war could not long be delayed; yet they in whose be

hen they had blockaded the road to Julich, in order to cut off Leopold's supplies, they sent to request that the two French regiments in the States' service might be ordered to their assistance, Arch

perfect courage, to move side by side with Henry, and to leave the initiative to him, while showing an unfaltering front to the enemy. That the princes were

tset of the controversy; but it was believed that there was now a disposition to substitute threats for action. The military movements set on foot were thought to be like the ringing of bells and firing of cannon to dissipate a thunderstorm. Yet it was treason at court to doubt the certainty of war. The King ordered new suits of armour, bought splendid chargers, and gave himself all the airs of a champion rushing to a tournament as

but Sully. Abroad, the States-General alone were really friendly, so far as positive agreements existed. Above all, the intolerable tergive

ear abroad, were working upon and undermining him like a slow f

t only his particular advantage. "This is not to be wondered at in one of his nature," said the King, "who only careth to provide for the felicities of his present life, without any respect for his life to come. Indeed, the cons

part of the non-combatants. Henry was no exception to the rule. He felt that the complications then existing, the religious, political, and dynastic elements arrayed against each other, were almost certain to be brought to a crisis and explosion by the incide

ay was hardly deserving of the grave censure which it r

ace to face. It was most important that the combination of alliances should be correctly arranged before hostilities began, and herein lay the precise difficulty. The princes applied formally and freely to the States-General for assistance. Th

,000 foot and 3000 horse in the field for the spring campaign, so

vinces. But these Germans do nothing but eat and sleep. They will get the profit and assign to me the trouble. No matter, I will ne

gn. "The Cleve affair must lead to war," he said. "The Spaniard, considering how necessary it is for him to have a prince there at his devotion, can never quietly suff

of State, secretly devoted to the cause of Spain,

the right. Counterbalance this with the fatigue, the expense, and the peril of a great

o dearly, it seemed probable that the part

kept in the States' service at his expense to depart at once to Holland, and he pr

said, "refuse to move; fearing Austria, distrusting France. They leave us the burden and danger, and hope for the spoils themselves. We cannot play cat to their monkey. The King must hold himself in readiness to join in the game when the real

rom the Louvre, he said "there would be no serious military mo

maintained that "France had gone too far to recede without sacrifice of reputation."-"The King's word is engaged both within and without," he said. "Not to follow it with deeds would be dangerous to the kingdom. The Spaniard will

other of Brandenburg and son of Neubu

laims. They refused and appealed for advice and assistance to the States-General. Barneveld, aware of the intrigues of Spain, who disguised herself in the drapery of the Emperor, r

ctions of Rome and by means of the Jesuits, had been active in t

ublished an edict of the Emperor. All the proceedings were thereby nullified as

ore it to pieces on the spot. Nevertheless they were much frightened, and many me

order not by volunteer succour to give cause for distrust as to his intentions. The States-General were further apprised by the King that his interests and theirs were so considerable in the matter that they would probably be obliged to go into a brisk and open war, in order to prevent the Spaniard from establishing himself in the duchies. He advised them to notify the Archdu

l as to the Elector of Cologne, and despatche

unicated the Advocate's despatches, of the slothful and timid course of the princes. He ascribed it to the arts of Leopold, who had written and inspired many letters against him insinuating that he was secretly in league and correspondence with the Emperor; that he was going to

n. He meant to prevent the aggrandizement of Austria, and wa

Let them address themselves to the King of France,"

y a post letter demanding an instant loan, and with an intima

rable action? Was it strange that the rude and stern Sully should sometimes lose his patience, knowing so much and suspecting more of the foul desi

of bad augury. We usually founder at last when we set off so fiercely at first. There are words enough an every side, but there will be few deeds. There is nothing to be got out of the King of Great Britain, and the King of S

k their departure, after it had been arranged that final measures should be concerted at the gen

on the part of France, and the representatives of the Sta

r hours, discussing the great project of which his brain was full. This great project was to crush for ever the power of the Austrian house; to drive Spain back into her own limits, putting an end to her projects for universal monarchy; and taking the Imperial crown from the House of

e taken once for all, now that a glorious captain commanded its armies and a statesman unrivalled for experience,

andled, presented exactly the long desired op

e Duke de la Force would command the army of the Pyrenees and act in concert with the Moors of Spain, who roused to frenzy by their expulsion from the kingdom could be relied on for a revolt or at least a most vigorous diversion. Thir

session, which the Duke of Savoy claimed for himself, and of assuring to Henry the dictatorship of Italy. With the cordial alliance of Venice, and by playing off the mutual jealousies of the petty Italian princes, like Florence, Mantua, Montserrat, and others, against each other and against the Pope, it did no

Charles Emmanuel. Sully strenuously opposed these self-seeking views on the part of his sovereign, however, constantly placing before him the far nobler aim of controlling the destinies of Christendom, of curbing what tended to become o

f France in the heritage which they claimed, would hardly be able to maintain themselves against the dangers which surrounded them except by a direct dependence upon France. In the end the position would become an impossible one, and it would be easy after the war was over to indemnify Brandenburg with money and with private property in the heart of France for example, and obtain the cession of those mos

burg. For after all it was well enough known that the Elector was the really important and serious candidate. Henry knew full well that Neuburg was depending o

to demolish Spain and the whole house of Austria, so that there should be no longer danger to be feared from that source to the tranquillity and happiness of Europe, and he would do this so openly and in presence of those who, as he knew, were perpetually setting traps for him and endeavouring to discover his deepest secrets as to make Sully's hair stand on end. The faithful minister would pluck his master by the cloak at times, and the King, with the adroitness which never forsook him

ter. Henry did not know it himself. "The war will turn on France as on a pivot," said Sully; "it remains to be seen if we have supplies and money enough. I will engage if the war is not to last m

to m

I got?" asked the Kin

han that," answe

een mi

e st

continued

et," sa

eached, and when the question as to this sum was likewise answered in the affirmative, he

ore than tha

rve of forty millions on which he might draw for his war expenses, without

capable of telling the story on the spot to the Nuncius ha

ould come forthwith to Paris at the head of the special embassy which it had been agreed that the States should send. No living statesman, he said, could compare to Holland's Advocate in s

neveld, but he wished to confer with him face to face, so that there would be no necessity of delay in sending back for instructions, limitation

r position by the States, and that the special deputies of Archduke Albert, whose presence at the Hague made Henry uneasy, as he regarded them as perpetual spies, had been dismissed. Henry expressed his gratification. They

se from Barneveld's sagacity, from his appreciation of the needs of Christendom, and from his affection for himself. He told the Ambassador that he was anxiously waiting for the Advocate in order to consult with him as to all the details of the war. The affair of Cleve, he sai

s interested to join him in putting down the ambitious and growing power of Spain. Cleve was a pl

pposed that once they found him engaged in actual warfare in Luxemburg, they would get rid of their jealousy and panic

n forces would command a certain contingent of French troops, w

at once, he believing that the King of France was entirely devoted to his pleasures and altogether too old for warlike pursuits, while the Sta

em, or as if a stamp of the foot could raise new armies out of the earth. "My design," continued the King, "is the more likely to succeed as the King of Spain, being a mere gosling and a valet of the Duke of Lerma, wi

arned that the Elector of Cologne was making very little progress in obtaining the Emperor's adhesion. As to this point the King had probably not yet thoroughly understood that t

e while securing all the profit, and that Rudolph quite understood their game, while Matthias was sure to make use of this

to help in this war, but at least he must not be allowed to traverse our great designs. He will probably refuse the league offensive and defensive which I have proposed to him, but he must be got, if possible, to pledge himself to the defensive. I mean to assemble my army on the frontier, as if to move upon Julich, an

e conferred confidentially, and he doubted not that the States would embrace this opportunity to have done for ever with the Spaniards. He should take the field in person, he said, and with several powerful armies would sweep the enemy

ure by which the enterprise might be ruined, it was best to make out of this small affair a great one, and the King signified his hope that the Advocate would take this view of the case and give him his support. He had plenty of grounds of war himself, and the States had as good cause of hostilities in the rupture of the truce by the usurpation attempted by Leopold with the assistance of Spain and in the name of the Emperor. He hoped, he said, that the States would receive no more deputations from Archduke Albert, but decide to settle everything at the point of the sword. The moment was propitious, and,

ourney was deferred, so that this notable plan for

two companies of cavalry in the States' service as usua

Company-to organize which undertaking Le Roy and Isaac Le Maire of Amsterdam had been living disguised in the house of Henry's famous compa

, knowing that Barneveld was a great personage, but however obstinate he might be, he felt sure that he would always yield to re

iety for the arrival of Barneveld, and his hopes that he might come with unlimited powers, so tha

sens concluded with an intimation that perhaps his own opinion might be desired as to th

, "exactly what the poet

rum atque haec

i jactu contac

oes not come back, perhaps the consideration of the future will sweep us onwards

ITOR'S B

sition into conscienc

religious hatred to

urn alive, and bur

nd a small assistanc

itself the germs

th judge and pa

the satirical d

Puritans in Eng

nation in its sterne

addressed him as

character and j

ould mind hi

a since

en on the part of

igotry of

endship, the self

religion, and th

who admired, envie

that poten

s ever living be

osed to each othe

pel me to say more

f which it is so d

able sums of money t

hey have in them at

e cart bef

tion, which is a

f war without the t

edam ma

f his time as to fav

eague and the

rtest about matt

ften prized more

king in Europe,

n holding language

tread on the heels

age as the most l

ed in matters of whi