_The Kingdom of God Is Within Y

hristian Peoples Remai

Consciousness-The Way

of the Christian Theo

y Man Free, and Eman

ation can be Effected

Only by a Change in th

Requires Renunciation

o Accepts it, Emancipat

s-The Way Out of the Pr

an who is Capable of As

Accept it and Live in A

low, and Look for Deliv

Life Aided by Governm

simply Increasing the

stance of this is the S

it would be More Advan

to-The Emancipation of

l Emancipating Himself,

are already Appearing

rity-Refusal to Compl

Undermines the Autho

refore Cases of such No

e Authorities than any

on-compliance in Russi

Taxes, Passports, Pol

h Non-compliance in oth

Men who Refuse to Comp

People, without Strikin

nt from Within-To Puni

stianity, and Assistin

hese Men justify the

lpless Position-Men who

ce, only Retard the Di

ization Bas

it was in the times of paganism. In many respects, especially in the oppression

between the last days of autumn and the first days of spring. In the autumn the external lifelessness in nature corresponds with its inward conditio

f to-day is merely external: the inward condition of men in the times of heath

every step in advance intensified this harmony; now the outward condition of cruelty and of slavery is completely

s. It is passing through something like the throes of birth. Everyt

d thereby all men) is gifted with the power of forming a different, higher theory of l

an view of life made known to ma

bly forged upon him to drop off of themselves, and for him to feel himself absolutely free,

. Underlying all these ideas and expressions there is some strange misconception. Freedom cannot be bes

eal Christians but of people who only call themselves Christians. A Christian cannot fail to be free, becaus

r to the state-but to him who has sent him into the world, and let him once understand that he must therefore fulfill not the law of his own individuality, nor his family, nor of the state, but

w will replace all other laws for him, and he will give it his sole allegiance, so that by

s the divine law of love, implanted in the soul of every man, and brought before

age to his passions (he who commits sin is the slave of sin), but he cannot be in bondage in the sense of be

sufferings which form such a powerful weapon against men of the

turbing the happiness of the Christian, which consists in the consciousness of fulfilling the

, when they are not in agreement with the divine law of love which he acknowledges (as is usually the case with state obligations), he

ct renunciation of Christianity. For the man who promises unconditional obedience in the future to laws, made or to be made, by that very promise is in t

certain definite negative acts, but puts him in a new, different relation to men, from which may result the most diverse acts, which cannot be defined beforehand. And therefore the Christian not only cannot promise to obey the will of any other man, without knowing what will be required by that will; he not only cannot obey the changing laws of man, but he cannot even promise to do anything definite at a certai

though a workman bound to one employer should also promise to carry out ev

e acknowledges God's authority alone. His law, revealed by

y use of force as unnecessary and unlawful; and secondly, from the fact that those deprivations and sufferings, or threats of deprivations and sufferings (which reduce the man of the social conception of life to the necessity of obeying) to the Christian from his different conception of life, present themselves merely as the inevitable conditions

ve, nor cry; neither shall any man hear his voice in the streets. A bruised reed shall he not break,

. On the contrary, he will bear violence without opposing it. But by this very attitude to vio

anity being the truth, the perfect liberty, that nothing can curtail, which a man experiences di

hem can do it till the rest of them do it. They cannot all start off at once, because one hangs on to another and hinders her from separating from the swarm, and therefore they all continue to hang there. It would seem that the bees could never escape from their position, just as it seems that worldly men, caught in the toils o

accordance with this conception, mankind would never change its position. But only let one bee spread her wings, start off, and fly away, and after her another, and another, and the clinging, inert cluster would become a freely flying swarm of bees. Just in the

e; and should think they ought to find some means by which it would not be necessary for every separate bee to spread her wings and fly off, but by which the whole swarm could fly at once where it wanted to. But that is not possible; till a first, a second, a third, a hundredth bee spreads her wings a

ch is promulgated among the masses, not by governments, in whom it is inevitable, but by m

ible reconstruction of society effected in some way or other. The idea is promulgated that men ought not to walk on their own legs where they want and ought to go, but that a kind of floor under their feet will be moved somehow, so that on it they c

the sphere of government it is maintained that the greater the power of the government, which, according to this theory, ought to intervene in every department of private life in which it has not yet intervened, the better it will be, and that therefore we ought to invoke the interference of government in private life. In politics and international questions it is maintained

ment of their position, which measures are to be intrusted to the authorities, and themselves to continue to yield obedience to the authoriti

t things for the attainment of their aim, but not the one simple obvious thing which is within reach of everyone. They devise the subtlest means fo

s together into a barn, he went in with them, locking the door after him. To begin with, he so terrified the peasants by his loud threats that, reduced to submission by him, they set to work to flog one another at his command. And so they flogged one another until a simpleton was found who would not allow himself to be flogged, and sh

f them to keep them in slavery, especially the duty of military service? We see people enslaving themselves, suffering from this slavery, and believing that it must be

absolutely good and authoritative everything we plan, decide, and call law. Secondly, hand over a part of the fruits of your labors for us to dispose of-we will use the money to keep you in slavery, and to hinder you from forcibly opposing our orders. Thirdly, elect others, or be yourself elected, to take a pretended share in the government, knowing all the while that the government will proceed quite without regard to the foolish speeches you, and those like you, may utter, and knowing that its proceedings will be according to our will, the will of those who have the army in their hands. Fourthly, come at a certain time to th

f my labors to them in the shape of taxes, knowing that the money will be spent on the support of officials, prisons, churches, armies, on things that are harmful, and on my own enslavement? Why should I punish myself? Why should I go wasting my time and hoodwinking myself, giving to miscreant evildoers a semblance of legality, by taking part in elections, and pretending that I am taking part in the government, when I know very well that the real control of the government is in the hands of those who have got hold of the army? Why should I go to the law courts to take part in the trial and punishment of men because they have sinned, knowing, if I

rom every point of view it is immoral, base, and vile. So why should I do this? If you tell me that if I do it not I shall receive some injury from someone, then, in the first place, I cannot an

drag us to the law court, to prison, and to execution, are not tzars or officials with pens in their hands, but the very people who are in the same position as we are. And it is just as unprofitable an

than to suffer for folly and wrong which must come to an end directly. And therefore, even in that case, it is better to run the risk of their banishing me, shutting me up in prison, or executing me, than of my living all my life in bondage, through my ow

it. I have no reason to do it. Do it yourse

ry, and is even prejudicial to the attainment of their object, the emancipation of men from slavery. They hold that we must continue, like the police officer's peasants, to flog one another, consoling ourselves with the reflection that we are talking away in the assemblies and meetings, fou

man directing his energies to freeing himself, to transforming his conception of life, people seek fo

e fact that the freedom of all men will be brought about only through the freedom of individual persons, becomes more and more clear as time goes on. The freedom of individual men, in the na

h, or he might live all his life without being placed under this necessity. But now all men, without exception, are subjected to this trial of their faith. Every man of the present day is under the necessity of taking part in the cruelties of pagan life, or of refusing all participation in them. And secondly, in those days cases of refusal to worship the gods or the images or the Pope were not i

to a position in which, for their own preservation, they must require from a

by any individual man, strikes at the most essential power of the

razy fellows, as people will call them, refusing to take the oath of allegiance to the g

t will undermine the power of the state and prepare the way for the freedom of men. These are the individual bees, who are beginning to separate from the swarm, and are flying near it, waiting till the whole s

hough there is no communication between them, they all explain their refusal on the same grounds-namely, that swearing is forbidden by the law of Christ, and that even if swearing had not been forbidden, they could not, in the spirit of the law of Christ, promise to perform the evil actions required of them in the oath, such as informing against all such as may act against the interests of the government, or de

't you take

dn't take

happened

thi

One says he will only pay when they tell him what object the money taken from him will be spent on. "If it is for good deeds," he says, "he will give it of his own accord, and more even than is required of him. If for ev

ir property taken from them by force; as for

n't you pa

didn't

happened

thi

ng that to carry a passport is not necessary, that one ought not to recognize one's dependence on a state which exists by means of force; and these people do not carry passports, or pay th

by the law of Christ, of which he is a follower, he cannot put any man in fetters, lock him up, or drag him from place to place. The same declaration is made by a peasant in Tver, another in Tambov. These peasan

nts, as though by agreement refuse to fill this office, and not on the grounds allowed as sufficient by law, but because any process at law is, according to their views, unc

young man of fair education refuses in the Moscow Townhall to take the oath. No attention is paid to what he says, and it is requested that he should pronounce the words of the oath like the rest. He declines, quoting a particular passage of the Gospel in which swearing is forbidden. No attention is paid to his arguments, and he is again requested to comply with the order, but he does not comply with it. Then it is supposed that he is a sectary and therefore does not understand Christianity in the right sense, that is to say, not in the sense in which the priests in the pay of the government understand it. And the yo

declares that he does not wish to attack anything, but, on the contrary, is opposed to any use of force, and, far from plotting in secret, he seeks every opportunity of saying and doing all that he says and does in the most open manner. And the gendarmes, though they are bound by no hard-and-fast rules, still find no ground for a criminal charge in the young man, and, like the clergy, they send him back to the army. Again the authorities deliberate together, and decide to accept him though he has not

that his mental condition may be inquired into and be scientifically treated. They send him to the asylum in the hope that he will remain there, like another young man, who refused ten years ago at Tver to serve in the army, and who was tortured in the asylum till he submitted. But even this step does not rid the military authorities of the inconvenient man. The doctors examine him, interest themselves warmly in his case, and naturally finding in him no symptoms of mental disease, send him back to the army. There they receive him, and making believe to have forgotten his refusal, and his motives for it, they again request him to go to drill, and again in the presence of the other soldiers he refuses and explains the reason of his r

hat he will not use violence in any case against anyone. All this takes place in the presence of the other soldiers. To let such a refusal pass unpunished is impossible, and the young man is put on his trial for breach of discipline. The trial takes place, and he is sentenced to confinement in the military prison for two years. He is again transferred, in company with convicts, by étape, to Caucasus, and there he is shut up in prison and falls under the irresponsib

ts, some are sent to prison, some are fined. And at this very time some men of this kind are in prison, not charged with their real offense-that is, denying the lawfulness of the action of the government, but for non-fulfillment of special obligations imposed by government. Thus an officer of reserve, who did not report his change of residence, and justified this

year 1890 there were men in prison in the castle of Chillon for declining to serve in the army, whose resolution was not shaken by their punishment. There have been such cases in Sweden, and the men who refused obedience were sent to prison in exactly the same way, and the government studiously concealed these cases from the people. There have been similar cases also in Prussia. I know of the case of a sub-lieutenant of the Guards, who in 1891 declared to the authorities in Berlin that he would not, as a Christian, continue t

s for doing so, and therefore does not dread these external foes. But what are governments to do against men who show the uselessness, superfluousness, and perniciousness of all governments, and who do not contend against them, but simply do not need them and do without them, and therefore are unwilling to take any part in them? The revolutionists say: The form of government is bad in this respect and that respect; we

oath of allegiance, taxes, law proceedings, and military service. An

Christianity does not attack it at all, but, from within,

o be Turkish, Russian, or Chinese. And so, too, among the Russian people more and more frequent examples have of late appeared of conscious Christian freedom from subjection to the state. And these examples are the more alarming for the government from the fact that these non-compliant persons often belong not to the so-called lower uneducated classes, but are men of fair or good education; and

ce-on the pay of men of violence-soldiers, on the construction of prisons, fortresses, and

rbidden by the Gospel. They refuse to perform police duties, because in the performance of these duties they must use force against their brothers and ill treat them, and a Christian cannot do that. They refuse to take part in trials at law, because they consider every appeal

h them openly. To punish men for refusing to act against their conscience the government must renounce all claim t

ments to do aga

he people who are ready to destroy their enemies. But what can they do against men who, without wishing to overturn or destroy anything, desire simply for their part to do nothi

on which the whole fabric of a state rests? What is to done with such people? To buy them over with bribes is impossible; the very risks to which they voluntarily expose themselves show that they are incorruptible. To dupe them into believing that this is their duty to God is also impossible, since their refusal is based on the clear, unmistakable law of God, recognized even by those who are trying to compel men to act against it. To terrify them by threats is still less possible, because the deprivations and sufferings to which they are subjected only strengthen their desire to follow the faith by which they are commanded: to obey God rather than men, and not to fear those who can destroy the body, but to fear him who can destroy body and soul. To kill them or keep them in perpetual imprisonment is also impossible. These men have friends, and a past; their way of thinking and acting is well known; they are known by everyone for good, gentle,

one place, it is alight in two other places; directly he gives in to the fire and cuts off what is on fire from a large building, the building itself is alight at bot

usy promulgating the idea that it is not necessary and is even pernicious and immoral for every man separately to work out his own freedom. As though, while one set of men have been at work a long while turning a river into a new channel, and had dug out a complete water-course and had only

r weak and defenseless position, and men of Christian principles are

earth," said Christ, "and what

re is begin