The Writings of Thomas Paine, Volume II

pable of carrying mankind. Government, on the old system, is an assumption of power, for the aggrandisement of itself; on the new, a delegation of power for the c

ans of universal commerce. The one measures its prosperity, by the quantity of revenue

t to the Abbe Sieyes, that I address this chapter. I am already engaged to the latter gentleman to discuss the subject of monarchical government; and as it natur

, being founded on the original, inherent Rights of Man: yet, as tyranny and the sword have suspended the exercise of those rights fo

ne now called the old is hereditary, either in whole or in part; and th

ng an imposit

to the purposes for whic

as no authority over posterity in matters of personal right; and, therefore, no man, or body of men, had, or can have, a right to set up hereditary government. Were even ourselves to come again into e

other fanciful name such things may be called, have no other significant explanation than that mankind ar

h government is necessary, we have only to consider what government essentially is

rior to all the accidents to which individual man is subject; and, therefore, hereditary succession

als. It signifies not what their mental or moral characters are. Can we then be surprised at the abject state of the human mind in monarchical countries, when the government itself is formed on such an abject levelling system?-It has no fixed character. To-day it is one thing; to-morrow it is something else. It changes with the temper of every succeeding individual, and is subject to all the varieties of each. It is government throu

would be removed; but when we see that nature acts as if she disowned and sported with the hereditary system; that the mental character of successors, in all countries, is below the average

t, I answer without hesitation, That in good theory, an hereditary transmission of any power of office, can never accord with the laws of a true representation. Hereditaryship is, in this sense, as much an attaint upon

f the thing that he prefers. Such a mode of reasoning on such a subject is inadmissible, because it finally amounts to an accusation upon Providence, as if she had lef

its uselessness in a state of civil government, than making it hereditary. Would we make any office hereditary that required wisdom and ab

or idiot may fill. It requires some talents to be a common mechanic; but to be a king requires only the animal figure of man-a sort of br

siders them as a herd of beings that must be governed by fraud, effigy, and show; and an idol would be as good a figure of monarchy with him, as a man. I will, however, do him the justice to say that, with respect to America, he has been very

made, is unnecessary to the case, because the representative system rejects both:

f the hereditary form, which admits of regencies or monarchy at nurse. With respect to England, its history is full of the same misfortunes. The contests for succession between the houses of York and Lancaster lasted a whole century; and others of a similar nature have renewed themselves since that period. Those of 1715 and 1745 w

chy, that a permanent family interest is created, whose constant objects are dominion and revenue. Poland, though an elective monarchy, has had fewer wars t

old, or hereditary systems of government, let us

and civilisation for its basis; nature

secret to man. It would be as ridiculous to attempt to fix the hereditaryship of human beauty, as of wisdom. Whatever wisdom constituently is, it is like a seedless plant; it may be reared when it appears, but it cannot be voluntarily produced. There is always a sufficienc

government will, as we see it does, degenerate into ignorance. The hereditary system, ther

rom where it can be found. I smile to myself when I contemplate the ridiculous insignificance into which literature and all the sciences would sink, were they made hereditary; and I carry the same idea into governments. An heredi

character? It appears as if the tide of mental faculties flowed as far as it could in certain channels, and then forsook its course, and arose in others. How irrational then is the hereditary system, which establishes channels of power,

ant state, and which, unless something excites it to action, will descend with him, in that condition, to the grave. As it is to the advantage of society that the whole of its faculties sho

uch as hereditary succession is, it loses a considerable portion of its powers on all other subjects and objects. Hereditary succession requires the same obedience to ignorance, as to wisdom; and when once the mind can bring

bove all others exempts itself from the general description. I mean the democracy of the Athenians. We see mor

he government. As those democracies increased in population, and the territory extended, the simple democratical form became unwieldy and impracticable; and as the system of representation was not known, the consequence was, they either degenerated convulsively into monarchies, or became absorbed into such as then existed. Had the system of representation been then understood, as it now is, there is no reason to believe

rors, into which the subject of government has bee

abuse something which they called republicanism; but what republicanism was,

atical, the aristocratical, the monarchical

-Publica, the public affairs, or the public good; or, literally translated, the public thing. It is a word of a good original, referring to what ought to be the character and business of government; and in this sen

lican government is no other than government established and conducted for the interest of the public, as well individually as collectively. It is not necessarily connected with a

n care that This, and no other, shall always be the object of their government, by their rejecting everything hereditary, and establishing governments on the system of representation only. Those who have said that a republic is not a form of government calculated for countries of great extent, mistook, in the first place, the business of a government, for a form of government; for the res-publica equally appertains to every extent of territory and population. And, in the second place, if they meant anything with respect to form, it was the simple democratical form, such as was

, its agriculture, manufacture, trade, commerce, etc., etc., a knowledge of a different kind, and which can be had only from the various parts of society. It is an assemblage of practical knowledge, which no individual can possess; and therefore the monarchical form is as much limited, in useful practice, from the incompetency of kno

the high democratical mind have voluntarily yielded itself to be governed by children and idiots, and all the motley i

hical, except that the chance of abilities is better from the proportion of numb

m the inconvenience of its form; and monarchy and aristocracy, from their incapacity. Retaining, then, democracy as the ground, and rejecting the corrupt systems of monarchy and aristoc

ve at a system of government capable of embracing and confederating all the various interests and every extent of territory and popula

ple. What Athens was in miniature America will be in magnitude. The one was the wonder of the ancient world; the other is becoming the admiration of the present. It is the easiest of all the

is immediately produced by the operation of representation. France, great and populous as it is, is but a spot in the capaciousness of the

, as by the representative system. It concentrates the knowledge necessary to the interest of the parts, and of the whole. It places government in a state of constant maturity. It is, as has already been observed, never young, never old. It is subject neither to no

mon center, in which every radius meets; and that center is formed by representation. To connect representation with what is called monarchy,

ays, "It is better to have monarchy for its basis, and republicanism for its corrective, than republicanism for its basis, and monarchy for its corrective."-If he means t

n is the monarch, or where is the monarchy? If it is to be performed by regency, it proves to be a farce. A regency is a mock species of republic, and the whole of monarchy deserves no better description. It is a thing as various as imagination can paint. It has none of the stable character that government ought to possess. Every succession is a revolution, and every reg

ain it is, that what is called monarchy, always appears to me a silly, contemptible thing. I compare it to something kept behind a curtain, about which there is a great deal o

ind, and presents itself on the open theatre of the world in a fair and manly manner. Whatever are its excellences or defects, they are visible to all. I

led monarchy. Nature is orderly in all her works; but this is a mode of government that counteracts nature. It turn

arallel with the order and immutable laws of nature, a

narchial plan (exclusive of the numerous chances there are against every man born into the world, of drawing a prize in the lottery of human faculties), the next in succession, whatever he may be, is put at the head of a nation, and of a government, at the age of eighteen years. Does this appear like an action of wisdom? Is it consistent with the proper dignity and the manly character of a

nment, to make out a bill of expenses to such an enormous amount as this deception admits. Government is not of itself a very chargeable institution. The whole expense of the federal government of America, founded,

expense of the civil list only, for the support of one man, is eight times greater than the whole expense of the federal government in America. To assign a reason for this

craft of courts cannot be acted on that ground. There is no place for mystery; nowhere for it to begin. Those who are not in the representation, know as much of the nature of business as

necessary part of his business to understand. It concerns his interest, because it affects his property. He examines the cost, and compa

derful mysterious thing, that excessive revenues are obtained. Monarchy is well calculated to ensure th

the laws. The enacting of those requires no great expense; and when they are admini