The Impending Crisis of the South

Presidential election in 1856, they polled thirteen hundred thousand votes for the Republican candidate, John C. Fremont. This fa

e South, we shall now proceed to enrich our pages with gems of Liberty from the Franklins, the Hamiltons, the Jays, the Adamses, and the Websters of the North. Too c

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nized American abolition Society-it having been formed as early as 1774, while we were yet subjects of the British government. In 1790, in the name and on behalf of this Society,

mportant and salutary powers are vested in you, for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the people of the United States;' and as they conceive that these blessings ought rightfully to be administered, wi

e blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they earnestly entreat your attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration to liberty of those unhappy men, who, alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who, amid the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groa

s:-"Slavery is an atrocious

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brilliant Statesman and

records. They are written as with a sunbeam, in the whole volume of human nature, by

ssing himself to an A

ce to become acquainted with these, you could never entertain a thought, that all men are not, by nature, entitled to equal privileges. You wo

OICE

under the Constitution of 1789, in a letter to th

cur in the opinion that it ought not to be introduced nor permitted in any of the new S

to prohibit the migration and importation of slaves

e words: 'The migration or importation of such persons as any of the now-existing States shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibit

ed with respect to the then existing States, and them only, until the year 1808, but the Congress were at liberty to make such prohibitions as to any new State, which mig

with the principles of the Revolution, and from a consciousness of its being repugnant to the following positions in the Declaration of Independence: 'We hold these truths to be sel

he had been appointed as minister plenipotentiar

strong expression, but it is just. I believe that God governs the world, and I believe i

IAM

oble son of Chief Jus

liberty our fathers achieved. Do you ask what we have to do with slavery? Let our muzzled presses answer-let the mobs excited against us by the merch

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Adams, "the old man eloquent,"

eason, and induces men endowed with logical powers to maintain that slavery is sanctioned by the Christian religion; that slaves are happy and contented in their condition; that between master and slave there are ties of mutual attachment and affection; that the virtues of the master are refined and exalted by th

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e city of New-York, on the 15th of March, 1847, Daniel

men. He is a rash man, indeed, and little conversant with human nature, and especially has he an erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with or despised. It will assuredly cause itself to be respected. But to endeavor to coin

the Oregon Bill

to the further extension of the area of slavery in the United States, or to t

, 1850, in a letter to the

a religious point of view I have ever regarded it, and even spoken of it, not as subject to any express denunciation, either in the Old Testament or the New, but as opposed to the whole spirit of the Gospel and to the teachings of Jesus Christ. The religion of Jesus Christ is a religion of kindness, justice, and brotherly love. But slavery is not kindly affectionate; it does not seek anothers, and not its own; it does not let the oppressed go free. It

ork, in the summer of 1851, only about twelve months prior

should be one foot of slave territory beyond what the old thi

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great American v

eation of human beings. No time, no circumstance, no human power or policy can change the nature of this truth, nor repeal the fundamental laws of society, by which every man's right to

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rnal improvements in the State of New York, speaking o

potisms of the ancient and modern world have vanished into air, if the natural equality of mankind had been properly understood and practiced? * * * This declares that the same meas

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of the Revolution, and the first American officer of r

re truths that common sense has placed beyond the reach of contradiction. And no man, or body of men, can, without being guilty of flagrant injustice, claim a right to dispose of the persons o

h no longer with us in the flesh, "still live." A living principle-an immortal interest-have they, invested in every great and good work that distinguishes the free States. The railroads, the canals, the telegraphs, the factories, the fleets of merchant vessels, the magnificent cities, the scientific modes of agriculture, the unrivaled institutions of learning, and other

n Beecher, Banks, Burlingame, Bryant, Hale, and Hildreth; in Emerson, Dayton, Thompson, Tappan, King and Cheever; in Whittier, Wilson, Wade, Wayland, Weed, and Burleigh. These are the men whom, in connection with their learned and eloquent compatriots, the

hain of mountains, will, we believe, be nurtured into manhood, in the course of one or two centuries, perhaps, as great men as those mentioned above-greater, possibly, than any that have ever yet lived. Whence their ancestors may come, whether from Europe, from Asia, from Africa, from Oceanica, from North or South America, or from the islands of the sea, or whatever honorable vocation they may now be engaged in, matters nothing at all. For ought we know, their great-grandfathers are now humble artisans in Maine, or moneyed merchants in Massachusetts