Plutarch's Lives, Volume IV

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Demosthenes

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really typical of ambitious men; for, although they aim at obtaining glory, and set before themselves a lofty ideal of virtue, yet they never succeed in producing any

rve them, though

ute commands o

nd impulses of the people. Just as the men stationed in the bows of a ship see what is coming before the steersmen, but yet look up to them as their chiefs and execute

, "I cannot be Antipater's friend and his toady at the same time." One might also quote the fable of the serpent's tail which murmured against the head and desired sometimes to take the lead, and not always follow the head, but which when allowed to lead the way took the wrong path and caused the head to be miserably crushed, because it allowed itself to be guided by that which could neither see nor hear. This has been the fate of many of those politicians who court the favour of the people; for, after they have once shared their blind impulses, they lose the power of checking their folly, and of restoring good discipline and order. These reflections upon the favour of the people occurred to me when I thought of its power, as shown in the case of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, men who were well born, well educated, and began their political career with great promise, and yet were ruined, not so much by an excessive craving for popular applause as by a very pardonable fear of disgrace. They both received at the outset great proofs of their coun

obscurity and disgrace until the reign of Agis and Leonidas. Agis was of the Eurypontid line, the son of Eudamidas, and the sixth in descent from king Agesilaus, who invaded Asia, and became the most powerful man in Greece. This Agesilaus had a son named Archidamus, who fell in battle against the Messapian

esipolis on the throne. Of his two sons, the elder, Akrotatus, died during his father's lifetime, and the younger, Kleonymus, never reigned, as the throne was occupied by Areus3 the grandson of Kleomenes, and the son of Akrotatus. Areus perished in battle before Corinth, and was succeeded by his son Akrotatus. This Akrotatus was defeated and slain near the city of Megalopolis by the despot Aristodemus, leaving his wife pregnant. When she bore a son, Leonidas the son of Kleonymus was appointed his guardian, and, as the child died before reaching manhood, he succee

s having been brought up in the greatest luxury by his mother Agesistrata and his grandmother Archidamia, the two richest women in Sparta, he abjured all frivolous indulgence, laid aside all personal ornament, avoided extravagance of ever

rs, having quarrelled with his son, proposed a rhetra permitting a man to give his house and land to whomsoever he pleased, either during his life, or by his will after his death. This man proposed the law in order to gratify his own private grudge; but the other Spartans through covetousness eagerly confirmed it, and ruined the admirable constitution of Lykurgus. They now began to acquire land without limit, as the powerful men kept their relatives out of their rightful inheritance; and as the wealth

o his master, and they bitterly reviled Agis when he lamented over the condition of affairs and sighed for the ancient glories of Sparta. His enthusiastic aspirations, however, were sympathised with by Lysander the son of Libys, Mandrokleidas the son of Ekphanes, and Agesilaus. Lysander was the most influential of all the Spartans, while Mandrokleidas was thought to be the ablest politician in Greece, as he could both plot with subtlety and execute with boldness. Agesilaus was the uncle of King Agis and a fluent speaker, but of a weak and covetous disposition. It was commonly supposed

is fellow-countrymen, he would be honoured and renowned as a truly great king. By this means the youth entirely changed his mother's mind, and so fired her with his own ambition, as if by an inspiration from heaven, that she began to encourage Agis and urge him on, and invited her friends to join them, while she also communicated their design to the other women, because she knew that the Laced?monians were in all things ruled by their women, and that they had more power in the state than the men possessed in their private households. Most of the wealth of Laced?mon had fallen into female hands at this time, and this fact proved a great hindrance to the accomplishment of Agis's schemes of reform; for the women offered a vehement opposition to him, not merely through a vu

Taygetus, Malea, and Sellasia into four thousand five hundred lots, and the outlying districts into fifteen thousand: that the latter district should be distributed among the Peri?ki of military age, and the former among the pure Spartans: that the number of these should be made up by an extension of the franch

said by some writers to have been one of the daughters of Atlas, and to have become the mother of Ammon by Zeus, while others say that Kassandra the daughter of Priam died there, and was called Pasiphae because her prophecies were plain to all men. Phylarchus again tells us that Daphne the daughter of Amyklas, while endeavouring to escape from the violence of Apollo, was transformed into the laurel,5 which bears her name, and was honoured by the god and endowed by him with the gift of prophecy. Be this as it may, the oracular responses which were brought from this shrine bade th

think that the state could prosper without a periodical expulsion of foreigners?" To this Agis answered, that it was not to be wondered at if Leonidas, who had lived in a foreign country, and had a family by the daughter of a Persian satrap, should be ignorant that Lykurgus, together with coined money, had banished borrowing and lending from Sparta, and that he had no hatred for foreigners, but only for those whose profession and mode of life made them unfit to associate with his countrymen. These men Lykurgus expelled, not from any hatred of their persons, but because he feared that their manners and habits would infect the citizens with a love of luxury, effeminacy, and avarice. Terpander, Thales, and Pherekyd

with its penalties, while he himself with the other Ephors watched for the sign from heaven. This ceremony is conducted as follows:-Every ninth year the Ephors choose a clear moonless night, and sit in silence watching the heavens. If a star shoots across the sky, they conclude that the kings must have committed some act of impiety, and they suspend them from their office, until they were absolved by a favourable oracle from Delphi or Olympia. Lysander now declared that he had beheld this sign, and impeached Leonidas, bringing forward witnesses to prove that he had two children born to him by an Asiatic wife, the daughter o

s, they declared, was the ancient rule of the constitution, that if the kings were at variance, the Ephors were entitled to support the one whom they judged to be in the right against the other, but their function was merely to act as arbitrators and judges between the kings when they disagreed, and not to interfere with them when they were of one mind. Both the kings agreed to act upon this advice, and came with their friends into the assembly, turned the Ephors out of their chairs of

he cancelling of debts, they would afterwards be inclined to submit quietly to the redistribution of lands. Lysander and the rest were deceived by Agesilaus into consenting to this, and they brought all the written securities for money which had been given by debtors, which are called by them klaria, into the market-place, collected them into one heap, and burned them. As the flames rose up, the rich and those who had lent money went away in great distress, but Agesilaus, as if exulting at their misfortune, declared that he had never seen a brighte

doing the least damage, without offending any one, almost without noise; so that all the cities were astonished at the spectacle thus afforded them, and men began to wonder what a Laced?monian army must have been like when led by Agesilaus or Lysander the Great, or by the ancient hero Leonidas, if such awe and reverence was paid by the soldiers to one who was nearly the youngest of them all. Their youthful

and was the general of the Ach?ans, and that he had not come to give them advice or to take the command of them, but to reinforce them and serve as their ally. The historian Baton of Sinope declares that Agis declined to fight although Aratus wished him to do so; but he is mistaken, and clearly has not read the justification which Aratus has written of his conduct, namely, that as the

with contempt, and though he still paid some respect to Agis, he wished it to be thought that he did so because he was nearly related to himself, not because he was king. He also gave out that he intended to remain in office as Ephor for the next year as well. In consequence of this his enemies determined to bring matters to a crisis. They assembled in force, brought back Leonidas publicly from Tegea, and reinstated him as king, to the great joy of most of the citizens, who were angry with the other party because they had been deceived by them about the redistribution of

nd were moved to tears by her noble and affectionate conduct, and she, pointing to her mean dress and dishevelled hair, said, "Father, I have not adopted this posture and this dress out of pity for Kleombrotus, but I have so long been in mourning for your misfortunes and your banishment that it has become customary with me. Am I now to remain in mourning while you are victorious and reign in Sparta, or am I to dress myself in fine clothes as becomes a princess, while I see my husband murdered by your hand? Unless he can move you to compassion, and obtain your pity by the tears of his wife and children, he will suffer a more terrible penalty for his misconduct than you wish to im

o, if his mind was not entirely corrupted by vain ambition, must have thought exile with such a wife preferable to royalty. After driving Kleombrotus from the throne, ejecting the Ephors from office and substituting others chosen by himself, Leonidas addressed himself to Agis. At first he tried to persuade him to come out of sanctuary and reign as his colleague, saying that the citizens had forgiven him, because they knew that he was young and impetuous, and had been deceived by Agesilaus. However, as Agis saw through these devices and remained where he was, Leonidas left off making these hypocritica

now went in to Agis, and sent for all the senators of their way of thinking to come to the prison in order to go through the form of a trial. Agis laughed at their hypocrisy, but Amphares told him that it was no laughing matter, and that he would soon pay a bitter penalty for his rashness. Another of the Ephors, wishing to offer a means of escape to Agis, inquired of him whether he had acted on his own responsibility, or had been compelled to do so by Agesilaus and Lysander. Agis answered that no man had compelled him, but that he admired and imitated Lykurgus, and had aimed at reviving his institutions. Upon this the same Ephor asked him whether he repented of what he had done. When the brave youth answered that he never would repent of his glorious designs, whatever tortures he might have to suffer for them, the assembly at once condemned him to death, and bade the prison official

wished, go in and see her son. As she asked to be accompanied by her mother, Amphares said that there was no objection to that, and after receiving them both within the walls, ordered the prison gates to be closed. He first sent Archidamia, who was now very old, and greatly respected by her countrywomen, to the place of execution, and when she was dead, bade Agesistrata enter. When she saw the corpse of her son lying on the ground, and her mother hanging by a halter, she herself assisted the servants to take her down, laid he

on their kings when they met them in battle, and turned aside through reverence of their exalted position. For this reason, in all the battles which the Laced?monians had fought against the Greeks before the era of Philip of Macedon, only one king, Kleombrotus, had fallen on the field of Leuktra; for though the Messenians aver that Theopompus, a king of Laced?mon, was slain by Aristomenes, the Laced?monians deny it, and say that he was only woun

F KLEO

er time in all Greece, and was of a noble disposition. It is said that she made many entreaties not to be forced into a second marriage, but that after her union with Kleomenes, although she continued to hate his father Leonidas, she made a good and affectionate wife to the young man, who became passionately fond of her, and sympathised with her loving remembrance of Agis, so that he would often ask her to tell him about her late husband, and used to listen with rapt attention while she explained the desig

ity, all these things had perished with Agis, and it was not safe even to speak of them. We are told that while yet a lad Kleomenes was instructed in the principles of the Stoic philosophy by Sph?rus of Borysthenes,7 who visited Laced?mon and gave excellent instruction there to the young. This Sph?rus was one of the aptest pupils of Zeno of Kitium,8 and he seems to have admired the manly spirit of Kleomenes and to have encouraged him in

narrative of the whole transaction; but as he saw that Kleomenes listened with intense interest, and was deeply excited by the recital of Agis's designs, to which he was never weary of listening, Xenares at last angrily reproached him with not being in his right mind, and at last broke off all intercourse with him. He did not, however, tell any one the reason of their being at variance, but declared that Kleomenes knew well what it was. Kleomenes, after meeting with this rebuff from Xenares, imagining that every one else would be of the same mind, determined to concert his own measures alone. As he thought that there was more chance of effecting reforms during war than in time of peace, he involved Sparta in a war with the Ach?ans, for which they themselves fu

ications at Belbina, and had marched to prevent his doing so. To this Kleomenes answered that he was satisfied that this had been Aratus's intention. "But," he continued, "if you do not mind, please tell me why you brought scaling ladders and torches with you." Aratus laughed at this home-thrust, and enquired what sort of a youth Kleomenes might be. Damochares, the Laced?monian exile, answered, "If you mean to do anything against the Laced?monians, you must make haste and do it before this young gamecock's spurs are grown." After this the Ephors ordered Kleomenes, who was encamped in Arcadia with a few horsemen and three hundred foot, to retire, as they feared to go to war. But since, as soon as he had withdrawn, Aratus captured the city of Kaphy?, t

the city and placed a strong garrison in it. This completely disheartened the Laced?monians, who desired to recall Kleomenes and put an end to the war. Kleomenes now sent to Messene and invited back Archidamus, the brother of Agis, who ought to have been on the throne as the representative of the other royal family, imagining that if there were two kings reigning at Sparta at the same time, the power of the Ephors would be weakened. However, the party who had previously murdered Agis perceived this, a

on. He also won over a considerable number of supporters among the citizens by means of the lavish expenditure and influence of his mother Krate

f Megalopolis charged at the head of the cavalry under his own command, but got entangled in the pursuit of the enemy in ground which was cut up by walls and watercourses. Seeing him thrown into disorder, Kleomenes sent his Tarentine and Cretan troops to attack him, by whom Lydiades, fighting bravely, was overpowered and slain. The Laced?monians now recovered their spirits, and with loud shouts attacked the Ach?ans and completely defeated them

ime one of the Ephors who was sleeping in the temple of Pasiph? dreamed an extraordinary dream, that in the place where the Ephors sat for the dispatch of business he saw four chairs removed, and one alone remaining, while as he wondered he heard a voice from the shrine say "This is best for Sparta." When the Ephor related this dream to Kleomenes, he was at first much alarmed, and feared that the man had conceived some suspicion of his designs, but finding that he was really in earnest recovered his confidence. Taking with him all those citizens whom he suspect

s parleying with the Ephors, these men rushed in with drawn swords and cut them down. The president, Agyl?us, fell at the first blow and appeared to be dead, but contrived to crawl out of the building unobserved into a small temple, sacred to Fear, the door of which was usually closed, but which then chanced to be op

they enter upon their office, issue a proclamation ordering the citizens to shave the moustache and obey the laws, that the laws might not be hard upon them. The injunction about shaving the moustache is inserted, I imagine, in order to accustom the young to obedience even in the most trivial matters. It se

is fear, is r

makes Hele

her-in-

all I reveren

s of the Greek

mands in silenc

is is why the Laced?monians placed the temple of Fear close to the dining-hall

second summons, but rises and goes to them at the third. Asteropus, who first consolidated the power of the Ephors, and raised it to the highest point, flourished in comparatively recent times, many generations after the original establishment of the office. If, he went on to say, the Ephors would have behaved with moderation, it would have been better to allow them to remain in existence; but when they began to use their ill-gotten power to destroy the constitution of Sparta, when they banished one king, put another to death without trial, and kept down by terror all those who wished for the introduction of the noblest and most admirable reforms, they could no longer be borne. Had he been able without shedding a drop of blood to drive out of Laced?mon all those foreign pests of luxury, extravagance, debt, money-lending, and those two more ancient evils, poverty and riches, he should have accounted himself the most fortunate of kings, because, like a skilful physician, he had painlessly performed so

e citizens by the admission of the most eligible of the Peri?ki to the franchise, and organised them into a body of four thousand heavy armed infantry, whom he taught to use the sarissa, or Macedonian pike which was grasped with both hands, instead of the spear, and to sling their shields by a strap instead of using a handle. He next turned his attention to the education and discipline

m Messene, he took them prisoners, caused a theatre to be erected in the enemy's country, and offered them forty min? for a performance for one day, at which he himself attended as a spectator, not that he cared for the performance, but because he wished to mock at his enemies, and to show by this studied insult the enormous superiority of which he was conscious. At this period his was the only army, Greek or foreign, which was not atten

d charmed by him, and declared that he alone was a true descendant of Herakles. His dinner was usually served upon a very small Laconian table with three couches,12 but if he were entertaining ambassadors or foreigners two additional couches were added, and his servants somewhat improved his dinner, not by adding to it made-dishes and pastry, but by serving a greater abundance of food and a more liberal allowance of wine. Indeed he blamed one of his friends, when he heard that when entertaining foreigners at dinner he had placed before them black broth and barley cakes: for he said that in such matters, and when entertaining strangers, it was not well to be too rigidly Spartan. After the table was removed a tripod was brought in which supported a bronze bowl full of wine, two silver pater?, that held each about a pint, and a number of very small silver cups,

he arrived before the Ach?an city of Pher?, desiring either to fight a battle with the Ach?ans, or to make Aratus incur the disgrace of retreating and leaving him in possession of the country: for although Hyperbates was nominally in command, all real power over the Ach?ans was in the hands of Aratus. The Ach?ans took the field with their entire force, and encamped at Dym?, near t

language to the Ach?an ambassadors, but sent others ordering them to acknowledge him for their sovereign, and promising that if they did so he would do them no further hurt, and would at once restore the prisoners and fortresses which he had taken. As the Ach?ans were willing to accept these terms they invited Kleomenes to a co

termined to invite Antigonus into Greece, and to fill the Pelopennesus with those very Macedonians whom he himself when a lad had chased out of the country by his capture of the Acro-Corinthus, although he was regarded with suspicion by all the kings, and was at variance with them all, and though he had already accused this very Antigonus himself of every conceivable crime in his "Memoirs," which are still extant. Yet he himself has stated that he suffered much, and risked much to free Athens from a Macedonian garrison; though now he led these very men with arms in their hands into his own native country, and up to his own paternal hearth. He thought that Kleomenes, a descendant of Herakles, a king of Sparta, who had restored the simple ancient Dorian constitution of Lykurgus, as one tightens the relaxed strings of a lyre, to bring it into tune, was unworthy to be accounted the ruler of Sikyon and Trit?a

m called the Kyllarabium. Kleomenes on hearing this said that he had not been properly treated; for Aratus ought to have warned him of this at once, not have waited till he was almost at the gates of Argos and then expressed suspicions of his honesty of purpose and driven him away. He sent a letter to the assembled Ach?ans, containing bitter invectives against Aratus, and as Aratus replied by maligning him in a public oration, he broke up his camp and sent a herald with a declaration of war, not to Argos, according to Aratus, but to ?gium, in order to take

leomenes, rightly judging that his appearance at a time when the city was full of a disorderly crowd of people who were come to attend the feasts and games would produce great confusion, marched up to the walls by night, seized the place called the 'Shield,' which is just above the theatre, and i

d: and those who had before ridiculed his attempts to bring back the days of Solon and Lykurgus by the cancelling of debts and redistribution of land, now became entirely convinced that these measures had been the cause of the revival of Sparta. The Spartans before this had been so feeble and helpless, that the Aetolians invaded Laconia and carried off a booty of fifty thousand slaves, on which occasion it is said that an old Spartan ob

leomenes reproached them for allowing Aratus to escape, but shortly afterwards sent Megistonous to him, asking him to hand over the citadel of Corinth, which was in possession of an Ach?an garrison, and offering him a large sum of money. He answered that the course of affairs was not in his power, but that he was rather in theirs. These particulars we have extracted from Aratus's own writings. Kleomenes now marched from Argos to Corinth, receiving on the way the submission of Tr?zene, Epidaurus, and Hermione. As the garrison refused to surrender the citadel, he built a rampart round it, and sending for the friends and representatives of Aratus, bade them take charge of his house and pr

ile Kleomenes barred the way. An attempt which he made to steal through by Lech?um13 at night was repulsed with considerable loss; so that Kleomenes and his friends, elated by their victory, supped merrily together, while Antigonus was at his wit's end to know what to do. He even began to meditate marching to the promontory of Her?um, and conveying his forces over the Corinthian gulf to Sikyon, an operation which would have required much time and many ships. However, late in the evening there arrived certain friends of Aratus by sea from Arg

his way into the city, and the garrison were hard pressed, and kept sending messengers to Kleomenes begging for assistance, he, fearing that if the enemy gained Argos they might cut him off from Laconia, and sack the defenceless city of Sparta, withdrew his army from Corinth. He lost this city at once, for Antigonus instantly entered it and placed a garrison in it. He now proceeded to assault the city wall of Argos, and concentrated his troops for this purpose. He broke through the vaults supporting the part of the city called the 'Shield,' forced his way in, and joined his garrison, who were still holding out against the Ach?ans. He now, by the use of scaling ladders,

usly with his army, but used constantly to return to Sparta to see her. He was terribly grieved and cast down, as one would expect a young man to be on losing so beautiful and excellent a wife, yet he did not allow his noble spirit to be crushed by his sorrow, but without showing any outward signs of grief in h

til she suspected that he had something on his mind, and inquired of his friends whether there was not some subject about which he hesitated to speak to her. At last Kleomenes brought himself to mention Ptolemy's proposal to her. On hearing it, she laughed loudly, and

h him into the temple of Poseidon, where, after embracing him as he sorrowed at her departure, she said, "Now, king of the Laced?monians, take care when we come ou

Antigonus, and was told that although the Ach?ans wished to come to terms with him, he had feared on her account to make peace with them without consulting Ptolemy, she wrote to him bidding him act w

l helots who could pay a sum of five Attic min? for their freedom, by which means he raised a sum of five hundred talents. He also organised a special corps of two thousand men, armed aft

s to provision themselves for five days, and led them to Sellasia, as though he intended to invade Argolis. From Sellasia he marched into the territory of Megalopolis, halted at Rh?teum for supper, and thence proceeded along the road by Helikus straight towards Megalopolis. When he was close to it he detached Panteus with two regiments to attack a part of the wall lying between two

Kleomenes at a distance, called out loudly to him, "King of the Laced?monians, now you have an opportunity to add to your glory by a deed even more noble and more worthy of a king than that which you have achieved!" Kleomenes, suspecting what he meant, asked, "What do you mean, Lysandridas? do you bid me give you back your city?" "That is what I bid you to do," answered Lysandridas; "and I advise you not to ruin so great a city, but to fill it with friends and trusty allies, by restoring it to the people of Megalopolis, and becoming their saviour." To this Kleomenes, after a short silence, replied, "It is hard to believe this; but let us ever prefer honour to profit." Saying this he sent his prisoners

The Ach?ans were terror-stricken at the suddenness and importance of the blow, and Antigonus determined to proceed to the assistance of the people of Megalopolis, but as it took a long time to assemble his troops from their winter-quarters, he ordered them to stay where they were, and himself with a small force marched to Argos. Kleomenes now engaged in a second enterprise, which appeared completely insane, but which is said by the historian Polybius to show consummate generalship. As he knew that all the Macedonian troops were scattered over the country in winter-quarters, and that Antigonus with a few mercenary troops was spending the winter at Argos with his friends, he invaded the Argive territory, thinking that either he should shame Antigonus in

ying that even in destroying Megalopolis he had been guided by anger rather than by honour. Antigonus at first retired directly towards Argos, but afterwards occupied all the passes by which the Laced?monians could retreat. Kleomenes affected to set him at defiance, and sent a herald to Argos to demand the keys of the temple of Hera (between Argos and Mycen?), in order that he might offer sacrifice there before retiring. After insulting the Argives by this ironical request, he offered sacrifice outside the temple, for the doors remained locked, and led away his army to Phlius. From thence he marched to Mount Oligyrtus, where

g his mercenary troops and feeding his countrymen. In other respects the long duration of the contest was in Kleomenes's favour, as Antigonus had troubles at home which made the contest a more equal one. The barbarians, in his absence, always overran and plundered the outskirts of the kingdom of Macedonia, and at this period an army of Illyrians had invaded the country from the north, against whose depredations the Macedonians besought Antigonus to return and protect them. The letter calling upon him to return was very nearly delivered to him before the decisive battle of the war; and had he received it, he would no doubt have returned home at once and taken a long farewell of the Ac

ian troops, and suspected some man?uvre of the kind. He sent for Damoteles, the chief of the Spartan secret-service,15 and ordered him to explore the ground on both flanks, and see that no attack was meditated in that direction. As Damoteles, who is said to have been bribed by Antigonus, answered that all was well on the flanks, and that he had better give his entire attention to the enemy in front, Kleomenes believed him, and at once charged the army of Antigonus. The furious attack of the Spartans drove back the Macedonian phalanx, and Kleomenes forced it to retreat before him for a distance of about five stadia. Then, as h

ed into his own house, where his mistress, a girl of a good family of Megalopolis, whom he had taken to live with him after his wife's death, came up to him as usual, and wished to attend upon him on his return from the wars. But he would neither drink, although excessively thirsty, nor sit down, weary though he was, but in his

war was raging in Macedonia, and that his kingdom was being ravaged by the barbarians. His health was already affected by a disease, which ended in consumption. However, he bore up against it, and was able to die gloriously after having recovered his kingdom, won a great victory over the barbarians, and killed a great number of them

n order to exchange our misfortunes at home for others in a distant country? If it be not disgraceful for the sons of Herakles to submit to the successors of Philip and Alexander, we shall save ourselves a long voyage by delivering ourselves up to Antigonus, who is probably as much better than Ptolemy as the Macedonians are better than the Egyptians. If, on the other hand, we scorn to become the subjects of our conqueror, why should we become subject to one who has not conquered us, and so prove ourselves inferior to two men instead of one, by becoming the courtiers of Ptolemy as we

e or by the excessive numbers of their enemy: but the man who refuses to bear fatigue and misery, and the scorn of men, is conquered by his own cowardice. A self-inflicted death ought to be an honourable action, not a dishonourable means of escape from the necessity for action. It is disgraceful either to live or to die for oneself alone: yet this is the course which you recommend, name

how proud and unbroken a spirit he bore his misfortunes, he thought him a much more trustworthy friend than any of the venal throng of courtiers by whom he was surrounded. Ptolemy felt real regret at having neglected so great a man, and allowed Antigonus to gain so much glory and power at his expense. He showed Kleomenes great kindness and honour, and encouraged him by p

h his mother had great influence with the army, attached himself in a special manner to Kleomenes, and made him a member of his own secret council, desiring to make use of him to kill his brother. Kleomenes, although every one in the court bade him do this, refused, saying that it would rather be his duty, if it were possible, to raise up more brothers for the king, to strengthen and confirm his throne. When Sosibius, the most powerful of the king's favourites, said that the mercenary troops were not to be depended upon while Magas was alive, Kleomenes answered that he might be quite easy on that score, for more than three thousand of the mercenaries were Peloponnesians, and at the slight

no one to accede to this request, as the king thought of nothing but his concubines and his revels, and Sosibius, upon whom devolved the whole conduct of affairs, although he knew that Kleomenes would be dangerous and hard to manage if kept in Egypt against his will, yet feared to set at large so daring and enterprising a man, who ha

e his so

Ach

e, though eage

d brought over some fine horses for the king's use in the wars. At this Kleomenes laughed, and said, "I had rather you had brought singing-girls or beautiful boys, for they are what please the king best." Nikagoras listened to this remark with a smile, but a few days afterwards he reminded Kleomenes of the estate which he had bought, and asked him to pay the price, saying that he would not have pressed for it if he had not sustained losses on his cargo. As Kleomenes replied that all his pension from the king was spent, Nikagoras in a rage repeated to Sosibius the sarcasm which he had used. Sosibius was much pleased to hear

peared suspicious about the king's conduct. As he was leaving the house, without noticing that Kleomenes had followed him to the door, he harshly reproved the guard for keeping such careless watch over so great and savage a monster. Kleomenes himself heard him say this, and before Ptolemy observed him, retired and told his friends what he had heard. They at once abandoned all hope, and fiercely determined to avenge themsel

is friends similarly arrayed, thirteen in all. One of them named Hippitas, who was lame, came boldly out with the rest, but finding that they proceeded slowly to enable him to keep up with them, begged them to kill him, and not spoil their plot by waiting for a useless man. It happened that one of the Alexandrians was leading a horse past the door; they at once took it, placed Hippitas on its back, and ran quickly through the streets, calling upon the populace to rise and set itself free. The people, it appears, had spirit enough to admire Kleomenes, but no one dared to follow or help him. Three of the conspirators met Ptolemy, the son of Chrysermes, coming out of the palace, and killed him: and when another Ptolemy, the governor of the city, drove towards them in a chariot, they rushed to meet him, scattered his body-guard, dragged him out of the chariot and killed him. They now made their way to the citadel, intending to break open the prison and make use of the prisoners to swell their numbers; but the guardians of the prison had closed the gates effectually before they a

these was the wife of Panteus, the fairest and noblest-looking of them all. She and her husband had only recently been married when their misfortunes began. When Panteus left Sparta she wished to accompany him, but her parents would not allow her to do so, and locked her up in their house. But she shortly afterwards procured a horse and a little money, and made her escape by night. She rode all the way to Taenarum, where she found a ship about to sail to Egypt, on board of which she crossed the sea, joined her husband, and cheerfully shared his exile. She now, when the soldiers came to lead away Kratesiklea, took her by the hand, held up the train of her dress, and bade her be of good courage; although Kratesiklea herself was no

On hearing this, the king was struck with superstitious terror, fearing that he had offended the gods by the murder of one who was evidently a favourite of Heaven, and something more than mortal. All the ladies of his court began to offer sacrifices of atonement for his sin, and the people of Alexandria went to the place and worshipped Kleomenes as a hero and child of the gods, unt

TIBERIUS

e of snakes24 in his bed, and the diviners, after consulting on the matter, told him that he must not kill both nor yet let both go; as to the male, they said, if it were killed, the death of Tiberius would follow, and if the female were killed, Cornelia would die. Now Tiberius, who loved his wife and thought it would be more suitable for him to die first, as he was an elderly man and his wife was still young, killed the male snake and let the female go; and he died no long time after, leaving twelve children by Cornelia, Cornelia undertook the care of her family and her husband's property, and showed herself so prudent, so fond of her chil

oga from his shoulder while he was speaking, as Kleon29 the Athenian is said to have been the first popular orator at Athens who threw his cloak from him and struck his thigh. The manner of Caius was awe-striking and vehemently impassioned; the manner of Tiberius was more pleasing and calculated to stir the sympathies: the language of Tiberius was pure and elaborated to great nicety; that of Caius was persuasive and exuberant. In like manner, in his mode of life and his table, Tiberius was frugal and simple; compared with others, Caius was moderate and austere, but, contrasted with his brother, luxurious and curious, as we see by Drusus charging him with buying silver dolphins30 at the price of twelve hundred and fifty drachm? for every pound that th

y were both alike. Tiberius was the elder by nine years, a circumstance which caused their political career to be separated by an interval, and greatly contributed to the failure of their measures, for they did n

ith made. As Appius was entering the door on his return home, he called out to his wife in a loud voice, "Antistia, I have given our daughter Claudia to wife." Antistia in surprise replied, "What is the need or the hurry, unless you have got Tiberius Gracchus for her husband?" I am aware that some writers tell this story of Tiberius the father of the Gracchi and of Scipio Africanus; but the majority have the story as I give it, and Polybius35 says that after the death of Scipio Africanus, his kinsmen selected Tiberius to be the husband of Cornelia, and that she had neither been given in marriage nor betrothed by her father in his

ke a retreat. The Numantines, however, perceived his movements, and immediately seizing the camp, fell on the Romans in their flight and killed those in the rear; and at last, when they were surrounding the whole army and driving them to unfavourable ground, from which escape was impossible, Mancinus, despairing of all chance of saving himself by resistance, sent to treat for a truce and terms of peace. But the Numantines declared that they would trust nobody except Tiberius, and they bade Mancinus send him. The Numantines had come to this resolution as well from

portunity of calumniating him if he should not be able to give an account of his administration of the public money. The Numantines were pleased at the opportunity of doing him a service, and invited him to enter the city; and when he stood hesitating, they came near and clung to his hands, and were urgent in entreating him not to consider them as enemies any longer, but as friends, and to trust them. Tiberius determined to do so, as he was very anxious to get the tablet

participation in the treaty, qu?stors and tribunes all alike, and on their heads they turned the violation of the oaths and the infraction of the agreement. It was on this occasion particularly, that the people showed their affection and zeal towards Tiberius: for they decided to deliver up the consul, stripped and in chains, to the Numantines, but they spared all the rest on account of Tiberius. It appears that Scipio also, who was then the most powerful man in Rome, gave his assistance in this matter, but nevertheless he was blamed for not saving Mancinus, and not making any exertion to ratify the treaty with the Numantines, which had been concluded by his relation an

he country was filled with ergastula45 of barbarian slaves, with whom the rich cultivated the lands from which they had expelled the citizens. Now Caius L?lius,46 the friend of Scipio, attempted to remedy this mischief, but he desisted through fear of the disturbances that were threatened by the opposition of the rich, whence he got the name of wise or prudent, for such is the signification of the Roman word "sapiens." Tiberius, on being elected tribune,47 immediately undertook the same measures, as most say, at the instigation of the orator Diophanes and the philosopher Blossius.48 Diophanes was an exile from Mitylene: Blossius was an Italian from Cum?, and had been an intimate at Rome with Antipater of Tarsus, who had done him the honour of dedicating to him some of his philosophical writings. Some give part of the blame to Cornelia also, the mother of Tiberius, who frequently reproached her sons that the Romans still called her the mother-in-law of Scipio, but not yet the mother of the Gracchi. Others say that jealousy o

f. Though the reform of this abuse was so moderate and reasonable, the people were satisfied to take no notice of the past and to secure themselves against wrong for the future. But the rich and those who had possessions detested the proposed law because of their greediness, and the proposer of it was the object of their indignation and jealousy; and accordingly they attempted to divert the people from the measure, by insinuating that Tiberius was proposing a division of land merely to disturb the state and to bring about a revolution. But they failed altogether; for Tiberius, supporting a measure in itself honourable and just, with an eloquence52 calculated to set off even a meaner subject, showed his power and his superiority over his opponents, w

ple and more severe against the illegal possessors of land; this new measure ejected persons out of the lands which they had got possession of contrary to existing laws. There was a daily contest between him and Octavius at the rostra, but though they opposed one another with great earnestness and rivalry, it is said they never uttered a disparaging word against one another, and that no unbecoming expression ever escaped either of them against the other. It is not, then, in bacchanalian revelries56 only, as it seems, but also in ambitious rivalry and passion, that to be of noble nature and to have been well brought up, restrains and governs the mind. Tiberius, observing that Octavius himself was obnoxious to the law and possessed a considerable tract of the public land, begged him to desist from his opposition, offering to pay him the value of the land out of his own purse, though

y urged him to refer it to the senate, and at last he consented. The senate met, but did nothing, owing to the opposition of the rich, who had great influence in the body; upon which Tiberius had recourse to the unconstitutional and violent measure of depriving Octavius of his office, finding it impossible to put his proposed law to the vote in any other way. In the first place, he publicly entreated Octavius, addressing him affectionately and clinging to his hands, to yield to and gratify the people, who asked for nothing but their rights, and would only get a small matter in return for great dangers and sufferings. Octavius rejected this proposit

ess about being deprived of his office, and not to bring on him the blame of so severe and odious a measure. It is said that Octavius was not entirely untouched or unmoved by these entreaties, and his eyes were filled with tears and he was silent for some time. But when he looked to the rich and the possessors, who were standing together in one body, through fear of losing their good opinion, as it seems, he boldly determined to run every risk, and he told Tiberius to do what he pleased. Accordingly the law was passed, and Tiberius ordered one of his freedmen to drag Octavius from the rostra, for Tiberius employe

ng to custom, for a tent from the treasury for his use while he was distributing the land, they refused it to him, though others had often had one allowed them on less important occasions; and they only gave him for his expenses nine oboli65 a day, which was done on the motion of Publius Nasica,66 who entered violently into the opposition against Tiberius, for he was in possession of a very large amount of public land, and was greatly annoyed at being forcibly ejected from it. But the people now became still more violent. A friend of Tiberius happened to die suddenly, and suspicious marks immediately showed themselves on the body. The people cried out that he

easures and a purple robe to Tiberius, who designed to make himself king in Rome. Quintus Metellus69 reproached Tiberius by reminding him, that whenever his father, during his censorship, was returning home from supper, the citizens used to put out the lights for fear it might be supposed that they were indulging too much in entertainments and drinking, but that the most insolent and needy of the citizens accompanied Tiberius with lights at night. Titus Annius,70 who was not a man of good repute or sober behaviour, but in any contest of words by way of question and answer was considered to be unequalled, challenged Tiberius to answer definitely whether he had or had not branded with infamy his brother tribune, though by the law he was sacred and inviolable. As the question was r

arsenal. If he should commit such excesses as these, he is a bad tribune; but if he should attempt to deprive the people of their power, he is not a tribune at all. And is it not a monstrous thing if a tribune shall have power to order a consul to be put in prison, and the people shall not be able to deprive a tribune of his power when he is using it against the people who gave it to him? for both tribune and consul are equally chosen by the people. Now the kingly office, besides comprehending within it all civil power, is consecrated to the divinity by the discharge of the chief ceremonials of religion; and yet the state ejected Tarquinius for his wrong-doing, and for the violence of one man the ancient power which established Rome was overthrown. And what is there at Rome so sacred, so venerated as the virgins who guard the ever-burning fire? but if any of them offends, she is buried alive; for when they sin against the gods, they no longer retain that inviolable sanctity whi

number of the Equites with the Senators, from whom alone the judices were then taken; and in every way he attempted to abridge the power of the Senate, influenced rather by passion and ambition, than justice and the interests of the state. While the voting was going on, the friends of Tiberius, seeing that their enemies were gaining the advantage, for all the people were not present,73 at first attempted to prolong the

ing that the people was assembled about the Capitol; but before he got out of the house he stumbled over the threshold, and the blow was so violent that the nail of his great toe was broken, and the blood ran out through his shoe. He had not got far before some crows were seen fighting on the roof of a house on the left hand, and though a great crowd was passing by, as was natural on such an occasion, a stone which was pushed off by one of the crows fell by the feet of Tiberius. This made even the boldest of his adherents hesitate; but Blossius of Cum?, who was present, said it would be a shame and a great disgrace if Tiberius, a son of Gracchus and a grandson of Scipio Africa

way in and mingle with the rest. At this juncture Flavius Flaccus,75 a senator, posted himself in a conspicuous place, and as it was not possible to make his voice heard so far, he made a signal with his hand that he wished to say something in private to Tiberius. Tiberius bade the crow

e would not be the first to use violence, and that he would not take any citizen's life without a regular trial; if however, he said, the people should come to an illegal vote at the instigation of Tiberius, or from compulsion, he would not respect any such decision. Upon this Nasica springing up exclaimed, "Well then, as the consul betrays the state, do you who wish to maintain the laws follow me." As he uttered these words he drew the skirt of his dress over his head, and hastened to the Capitol; and the senators who followed him, wrapping their dress about them with one hand, pushed all the people they met out of the way, no one opposing them, from respect to their rank, but taking to flight and trampling down one another. The followers of the senators had clubs and sticks which they had brought from home; but the

nst him seems to have proceeded rather from the passion and hatred of the rich citizens, than from the reasons which they alleged; and the brutal and indecent treatment of his dead body is a proof of this. For they would not listen to his brother's request77 to take up the body and bury it at night, but it was thrown into the Tiber with the other bodies. And this was not all; they banished some of his friends without trial, and others they seized and put to death, among whom was Diophanes the orator. One Caius Villius78 they shut up in a vessel with snakes and vipers, and thus he died. Blossius of Cum?, being brought before the consuls

ne. Now, as the people were sore about the death of Tiberius, and were manifestly waiting for an opportunity to be revenged, and Nasica84 was threatened with prosecutions, the Senate, fearing for his safety, made a decree for sending him to Asia, though they had nothing for him to do there. For when men met Nasica they did not conceal their hostility, but broke out into violence, and abused him wherever they fell in with him, calling him accursed, and tyrant, who had stained with the blood of an inviolable and sacred functionary the most sacred and revered of al

all who do t

was not pleased with the measures of Tiberius. This made the people interrupt him with their shouts when he was speaking, as they had never done before; and

CAIUS

preparing, as it were, his pinions for public life, and that he would not remain quiet; and further, when he showed by his defence of Vettius, one of his friends, who was under prosecution, the people all around him being wild and frantic with delight, that the rest of the orators were mere children, the nobles were again alarmed, and there was much talk among them that they would not allow Caius to obtain the tribunate. It happened without any set design that the lot fell on him to go as qu?stor to Sardinia,89 under Orestes90 the consul, which pleased his enemies, and was not disagreeable to Caius. For he was fond of war, and equally disciplined for military service and speaking in the courts of justice; but he

ssist the Romans. This, being reported to Rome, made the Senate uneasy, for they viewed it as a preliminary to popular agitation. Ambassadors also arrived at Rome from Libya, with a message from King Micipsa,92 that the king had sent corn to the commander in Sardinia, out of respect for Caius Gracchus. The Senate, taking offence at the message, would not receive the ambassadors, and they passed a decree that fresh troops should be sent out to replace those in Sardinia, but that Orestes should stay; intending by this measure to keep Caius there also, in respect of his office. On this being done, Caius immediately set sail in a passion, and appearing at Rome contrary to all expectation, was not only blamed by his enemies, but even the people considered it a strange thin

ity so far prevailed against the people as to disappoint the hopes of Caius, inasmuch as he was not returned first, as he expected, but only fourth. But upon entering on his office he soon made himself first, for he surpassed every Roman in eloquence,96 and his misfortunes gave him a licence for speaking freely when lamenting the fate of his brother. He took every opportunity of directing the thoughts of the people to this subject, reminding them of former times, and contrasting the conduct of their ancestors, who went to war with the Falisci on behalf of Gemicius, a tribune, who had been insulted by them, and condemned Caius Veturius to death because he was the only

berius; and Popillius98 came within the penalties of the other, for during his pr?torship he had banished the friends of Tiberius. Popillius did not stand his trial, and he fled from Italy; but the other law Caius himself withdrew, saying that he refrained from touching Octavius at the request of his mother Cornelia. The people admired his conduct on this occasion, and gave their consent, for they respected Cornelia no less for the sake of her sons than her father; and afterwards they set up a bronze statue99 of her, with the inscription-Corneli

related to grain, and had for its object the lowering of the price for the poor; the last related to the judices, a measure which most of all encroached on the privileges of the senate-for the senate alone supplied judices for the trials, and this privilege rendered that body formidable both to the people and the equites. The law of Gracchus added three hundred equites to the senate, who were also three hundred in number, and it made the judices eligible out of the whole six hundred. In his endeavours to carry this law he is said to have made every exertion

ion heavy and intolerable to the subject nations; this measure brought him great reputation and popularity in the provinces. He also introduced measures for sending out colonies, the construction of roads, and the building of public granaries; and he made himself director and superintendent for the carrying all these measures into effect. Though engaged in so many great undertakings, he was never wearied, but with wonderful activity and labour he effected every single object as if he had for the time no other occupation, so that even those who thoroughly hated and feared him were struck with amazement at the rapi

g up the depressions, and throwing bridges across those parts which were traversed by winter torrents or deep ravines, and raising the road on both sides to the same uniform height, the whole line was made level and presented an agreeable appearance. He also measured a

annius.102 This gave Fannius a great advantage. Fannius was elected consul, and Caius tribune for the second time, though he was neither a candidate nor canvassed, but his election was entirely due to the zeal of the people. Perceiving, however, that the senate was clearly opposed to him, and that the kind feeling of Fannius towards him cooled, he forthwith endeavoured to attach the people by other measures, by proposing to send colonies to Tarentum and Capua, and by inviting the Latins to a participation in the Roman franchise. The senate, fearing that Gracchus would become irresistible, attempted a new and unusual method of diverting the people from him, by

oposed twelve colonies, each of which was to consist of three thousand needy citizens. They set themselves in opposition to Caius when he proposed to distribute land among the poor, subject to a yearly payment to the treasury from each, on the ground that he was trying to gain the popular favour; but they were satisfied when Livius proposed to relieve the colonists even from this payment. Further, Caius gave them offence by proposing to confer on the Latins the Roman suffrage; but when Livius brought forward a measure which forbade any Latin to be beaten with rods even while serving in the army, they supported it. An

till further advances, insinuated himself into the favour of the people, and gained them over mainly by calumniating Fulvius.103 This Fulvius was a friend of Caius and a joint commissioner for the distribution of lands; but he was a noisy fellow, and specially disliked by the senate; he was also suspected by others of stirring up the allies, and secretly encouraging the Italians to revolt; and though this was said without proof or inquiry, Fulvius himself gave it credit by his unwise and revolutionary policy. This more than anything else destroyed the popularity of Caius, who came in for his share of the odium against Fulvius.

the city, and the stakes were torn up by the wolves and carried a long way off. However Caius, after settling and arranging everything in seventy days, returned to Rome upon hearing that Fulvius was hard pressed by Drusus, and that affairs required his presence. Lucius Opimius, a man who belonged to the faction of the oligarchs,106 and had great influence in the senate, failed on a former occasion when he was a ca

though he saw one of them, who was his own friend and intimate, dragged off by the officers of Fannius, he passed by without helping him, whether it was that he feared to put to the test his power which was now on the decline, or that he did not choose, as he said, to give his enemies the opportunity which they were seeking of coming to a collision and a struggle. It also chanced that he had incurred the ill-will of his fellow-colleagues, in the following manner:-The people were going to see an exhibition of gladiators in the Forum, and most of the magistrates had constructed seats round the place, with the intention of letting them for hire. But Caius urged them to remove the seats, that the poor might be able to see the show without paying. As no one took any notice of what he said, he waited t

it is supposed that these matters are obscurely alluded to in her letters108 to her son. Others, on the contrary, say that this was done quite contrary to the wishes of Cornelia. On the day on which the party of Opimius intended to repeal the laws of Caius, the Capitol had been occupied by the opposite faction early in the morning. The consul had offered the sacrifices, and one of his officers, named Quintus Antyllius,109 was carrying the viscera to another part, when he said to the partisans of Fulvius, "Make way for honest men, you rascals." Some say that as he uttered these words

body with insult; while Antyllius, a mere servant, who perhaps had not deserved his fate, yet was mainly to blame for what happened, was laid out in the Forum, and surrounded by the Roman senate lamenting and assisting at the funeral of a hireling; and all this merely to accomplish the ruin of the only remaining guardian of the people's liberties. On returning to the senate-house, the senators passed a decree111 by which the consul Opimius was directed to save the state in such way as he could, and to put down the tyrants. Opimius gave notice to the senators to arm, and each eques was commanded to bring in the morning two armed slaves. On the other side, Fulvius also made preparation and got together a rabble; but Caius as he left the Forum stood opposite his

as in time past do I take my leave of you going to the Rostra as tribune and as legislator, nor yet going to a glorious war, where, if you died in the service of your country, you would still leave me an honoured grief; but you are going to expose yourself to the murderers of Tiberius: 'tis right indeed to go unarmed, and to suffer rather than do wrong, but you will perish without benefiting the state. The worst has now prevailed; force and the sword determine all controversies. If your brother had died at Numantia, his body would have been restored to us

se were the terms on which he must come a second time, or not at all. Now Caius, it is said, wished to go and clear himself before the senate, but as no one else assented, Fulvius again sent his son to address the senate on their behalf in the same terms as before. But Opimius, who was eager to come to blows, forthwith ordered the youth to be seized and put in prison, and advanced against the party of Fulvius with many legionary soldiers and Cretan bowmen114 who mainly contributed to put them into confusion by discharging their arrows and wounding them. The partisans of Fulvius being put to flight, he made his escape into a bath that was not used where he

ot be struck until the slave had been dispatched first, and with many blows. It is said that a man cut off the head of Caius and was carrying it away, but it was taken from him by a friend of Opimius named Septimuleius; for proclamation had been made at the beginning of the contest, that those who brought the heads of Caius and Fulvius should have their weight in gold. The head of Caius was brought to Opimius by Septimuleius stuck on a spear, and it weighed seventeen pounds and two-thirds in the scales. Septimuleius was a scoundrel and a knave119 here also, for he had taken out the brain and dropped melted lead in its place. Those who brought the head of Fulvius got nothing, for they belonged to the lower class. The bodies of Caius and Fulvius and their partisans were thrown into the

rd120 makes the t

s Opimius did not keep himself free from corruption. Being sent as a commissioner to Jugurtha, the Numidian, he was bribed by him, and being convicted of most shameful corruption, he spent the last years of his life in infamy, hated and insulted by the people, who, though humbled and depressed for the time, soon showed how much the

eived presents from her. To all her visitors and friends she was a most agreeable companion: she would tell them of the life and habits of her father Africanus, and, what is most surprising, would speak of her sons without showing sorrow or shedding a tear, relating their sufferings and their deeds to her inquiring friends as if she was speaking of the men of olden time. This made some think that her understanding had been impaired by old

AND CAIUS GRACCHUS WI

ers of temperance and simplicity of life. Furthermore, the Gracchi, who lived at a period when Rome was at the height of its greatness and renown, felt ashamed to fall short of the glorious achievements of their forefathers; while the virtuous impulses of the others were not checked by their fathers having pursued the opposite course of policy, or by the miserable and distracted condition of their country. The greatest proof of the unselfishness and indifference to money of the Gracchi is

hat to proceed by slow degrees was merely cutting off the heads of the hydra,124 and therefore they by one comprehensive measure swept away all abuses at once: although it would be nearer the truth to say that they swept all abuses out of the state by restoring to it its original constitution. It may also be observed that the reforms of the Gracchi were opposed by some of the most powerful men in Rome, whereas the legislation which was begun by Agis, and completed by Kleomenes, followed a famous and ancient precedent, the rhetras on sobriety

tempted to avenge himself, and as circumstances prevented his succeeding, bravely killed himself. It may be said on the other side that Agis never distinguished himself in the field, and we may set against the many brilliant victories of Kleomenes the scaling of the wall of Carthage by Tiberius Gracchus, no slight achievement, and the peace whic

a trial, when it would have been easy for him to have won them over to his side, and banishing many of the citizens. It is not the part either of a wise physician or of a good politician to use the knife except in the last extremity, but it shows a want of skill in both, and in the latter case it is unjust as well as cruel. Of the Gracchi, neither would begin a civil war, and Caius is said not even to have defended himself

in it. Yet Lykurgus, whom he affected to imitate, abdicated the throne of his own free will in favour of his nephew Charilaus, and fearing that if the child died by any mischance he might be thought guilty of having caused its death, he travelled abroad for a long time and did not return until Charilaus had begotten a son to succeed him. However, no Greek can bear comparison with Lykurgus; yet we have proved that Kleomenes effected greater reforms, and showed less respect to the laws than any of the others. Both the Greeks have been blamed for having from the very outset aimed at being nothing more than warlike despots; while the worst enemies of the Romans only charge them with an immoderate ambition, and admit that they became so excited by the contest with their political oppon

F DEMO

sition, it makes no difference whether he be born in an obscure state or of an ill-favoured mother, or not. It would indeed be absurd if one were to suppose that the town of Iulis, which is only a small part of the little island of Keos or ?gina, which some Athenian bade his countrymen clear away because it was an eyesore to Peir?us, should be able to produce good actors and poets, and yet be unable to bring forth a just, virtuous, se

work of a historian who is deprived of these advantages must necessarily be defective in many essential particulars. Now I, who belong to a small city, and who love to live in it lest it should become even smaller, when I was at Rome, and during my travels in Italy, found my time so taken up with political business and with the care of my pupils in philosophy, that I had no leisure to learn the Roman language, and have only applied myself to Latin literature at a very advanced period of life. In this reading of Latin books, singular as it may appear, I did

omparison of Demosthenes with Cicero. Perhaps, however, we might begin to doubt the divine origin of the commandment "know thyself," if we found men always ready to apply it. Indeed Heaven appears to have originally intended to form the characters of Demosthenes and Cicero on the same model, and in some instances to have implanted in them precisely the same qualities, such as great personal ambition, love of freedom, and want of courage in the wars, yet to have left much to chance. I think it would be difficult to find an instance of any two other orators who both rose from a h

to no less than fifteen talents. He was scandalously ill-used by his guardians, who appropriated much of his income, and neglected the rest so much that he was unable to pay his teachers. He grew up ignorant of much that a boy of good birth is expected to learn, partly for this reason, and partly on account of his weak health, which caused his mother to keep him away from school. He was a sickly child, and it is said that the opprobrious nickname of Batalus was bestowed upon him by his school-fellows because of his bodily weakness. Batalus, according to some writers, was an effeminate flute-play

y could sit unseen by the public and hear all that was said. Kallisthenes spoke very brilliantly and was much admired. He excited the envy of Demosthenes by the honours which he received, as he was escorted home by a long train of friends who congratulated him upon his success; but the boy was even more impressed by the power of his eloquence, which enabled him to deal with everything just as he pleased. In consequence of this Demosthenes neglected all other branches of learning, neglected all the sports of childhood, and laboriously practised and exercised himself in the art of oratory, meaning some day to become an orator himself. He studied rhetoric under I

of his physicians, used to run long distances as a remedy for a disease of the spleen from which he suffered, until he not only overcame his disorder, but was able to enter for races at the games, and became one of the best long-distance runners of his time. Even so Demosthenes, who was forced by his private misfortunes to make his first appearance as a speaker, gained such skill and power by his success in the law-courts that he soon took the lead among the speakers in the public assembly. Yet when he first addressed the people he was violently coughed down, interrupted and ridiculed, because his speech was found dull and tiresome, being confused in style and strained and artificial in argument. It is

Satyrus answered, "Demosthenes, what you say is very true, but I will soon apply a remedy, if you will recite to me one of the long speeches from the plays of Sophokles or Euripides." After Demosthenes had recited a speech, Satyrus recited the same speech in turn, and so altered it and gave it so much more grace, by throwing into it the expression which the verses required, that it appeared to Demosthenes to be quite different. Having thus learned how much a speech gains by a really artistic delivery,

aborious study. A great proof of this was thought to be that Demosthenes seldom spoke on the spur of the moment, but often when he was present in the assembly and was called upon by the people to speak, he would remain silent unless he had prepared and meditated over his speech. Many of the other orators ridiculed him for this, and Pytheas in derision said that his arguments smelt of the lamp. To this Demosthenes made the bitter retort, "My lamp, Pytheas, sees very different work from yours." In conversation with others, however, he did not altogether deny the practice, but said that although he never spoke without having m

him and in a fine speech proved from history how great things the Thebans and inhabitants of Chalkidike had done for Greece, and what evils had arisen from the baseness of those who flattered the Macedonians, till the audience were so much wrought upon by his eloquence that Lamachus was forced to flee for his life. The answer to this appears to be that Demosthenes, although he did not copy Perikles in all respects, imitated his reserve and dignity of manner, and his reluctance to speak upon every trivi

ountains, and b

andom talker," while another mocks at his fo

He got it as h

s would willingly have

tion on Halonesus, in which Demosthenes advised the Athenia

hen again asked his opinion of Demades, he replied that he thought him "Too great for Athens." The same philosopher relates that Polyeuktus of Sphettus, one of the chief Athenian statesmen of the time, used to declare that Demosthenes was the best orator, but that Phokion was the most powerful speaker, because his speeches contained the greatest possible amount of meaning in the fewest words. Demosth

nst a man by whom he had been beaten. "But," said Demosthenes, "you have not suffered any of this ill-treatment which you complain of." At this the man raised his voice and excitedly exclaimed, "Do you say, Demosthenes, that I have not been ill-treated?" "Yes," answered he, "now I hear the voice of one who has really been ill-used." So important did he think the action and the tone of voice of a speaker to be in carrying conviction to the minds of his hearers. His manner in speaking marvellously pleased the common people, though men of taste, such as Demetrius of Phalerum, thought it vulgar and affected. Hermippus

mosthenes answered, "I know that my habit of burning a lamp at night must disconcert you. But, men of Athens, need we wonder at the thefts which take place, when we see that our thieves are brazen, and our walls are only m

age, and had not as yet acquired any fame or reputation. This appears to me to be the chief reason for his having made up his quarrel with Meidias for a sum of money, for he was far from being a "mild-mannered" man, but keen and savage in avenging the injuries which he received. It must have been because he saw, that to ruin a man who was so rich, so able a speaker, and so well-befriended as M

d a noble theme for political oratory, which he treated in a manner worthy of the subject, and

men of the time, while even his bitterest antagonists admitted that they had to deal with no

ponent of Kallistratus, who was often bribed by him to allow some measure to pass, and on these occasions would say to the people, "The man is my personal enemy, but I postpone my personal feelings to the good of my country." Nikodemus of Messene, who first took up with Kassander, and afterwards became the advocate of Demetrius, used to declare that he never was inconsistent, because it was always best to obey the strongest party. But in the case of Demosthenes, unlike these men, we can say that he never deviated either in word or deed from the one direct line of policy which he unswervingly pursued to the end. The philosopher Pan?tius declares that in most of his orations, as in that about the Crow

t was not equally capable of imitating them. Yet in spite of these shortcomings, his life was more virtuous than that of any statesman of his time, with the exception of Phokion. He used plainer language to the people than any one else, opposed their wishes, and sharply reproved them for their mistakes, as we learn from his orations. Theopompus has recorded that once when the Athenians called upon him to impeach some person, and became riotous when he refused, he rose and said, "Men of Athens, I will always give you my advice, whether you bid me or not; but I will not accuse men falsely because you bid me." H

against Androtion, Timokrates and Aristokrates were written for other persons, as he had not at the time of their composition began to speak in public, being only twenty-seven or twenty-eight years of age. The oration against Aristogeiton, he himself pronounced, as he did also that against Leptines, out of regard for Ktesippus the son of Chabrias, according to his own account of the matter, though some say that he was paying his addresses to the young man's mother at the time. He did not, however, marry her, but m

ent with nine others to Macedonia on an embassy, Philip listened to the speeches of them all, but replied to his speech with the greatest care. He did not, however, pay so much attention to Demosthenes in the entertainment which he provided for the ambassadors, but took especial pains to win the favour of ?schines and Philokrate

rough Greece, exciting a spirit of resistance to Philip by his speeches, until he succeeded in forming nearly all the Greek cities into a confederacy against Philip, organised an army of fifteen thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, besides the local forces of each city, and induced them to subscribe cheerfully for the maintenance of the mercenaries and the expenses of the war. At this time, we are told by Theophrastus that, when the allies demanded that their contributions should be limited to some fixed sum, Krobylus the Athenian orator answered that war feeds not by a fixed allowance.129 Greece was now in a flutter of expectation, and the people of Eub?a, Achaia, Cor

and Klearchus, the Thessalian Daochus, and Thrasydaeus to Thebes to argue on his behalf. The Thebans on this occasion saw clearly enough on which side their interests lay, for the sufferings they had just endured in the Phokian war were still fresh in their memories; but we read in the history of Theopompus that the eloquence of Demosthenes so roused and inflamed their courage that all cold-blooded calculation of the chances, fear of the enemy, and considerations of expediency were entirely lost sigh

e, and both counteracted his efforts, and also gave many ominous indications of what was to come. The Pythia at De

battle, on t

modon may I

s an eagle f

vanquished weep,

n; for it runs past the temple of Herakles, where the Greek army encamped: and we imagine that when the battle took place this stream was filled with blood and corpses, and became known by its present name. Yet the historian Douris writes that the Thermodon was not a

modon's field,

ou feed on hum

bans of Epameinondas, and the Athenians of Perikles, both of whom regarded such considerations as mere pretexts for cowardice. Up to this point he behaved as a brave man should; but in the battle130 itself he performed no honourable exploit worthy of his speeches, but left his place in the ranks and ran away in a most shameful manner, throwing away his arms that he m

anian, son of D

ven to the King of Persia, and he sent letters to the Satraps who governed the provinces near the sea, bidding them offer money to Demosthenes, and pay him more attention than any other Greek, because he was able to effect a diversion in favour of Persia by kee

ke the funeral oration over them, and generally they bore their misfortunes with a noble spirit, not being excessively humbled and cast down, as Theopompus relates in his history, with a view to dramatic effect, but by showing especial honour and esteem for their principal adviser they proved that they did not repent of the policy which they had followed. Demosthenes pronounced the f

vanquished weep

h dignity and composure. Yet I will not say that the Athenians did right to wear garlands and make merry at the death of a king who, after his victory, had dealt so gently with them when they were at his mercy; for it deserved the anger of the gods, and was a thoroughly low-minded act to honour a man while he lived and elect him a citizen of Athens, and then when he fell by the hand of a stranger not to be able to contain themselves for joy, but to dance over his corpse and to sing p?ans of victory, as if they themselves had done some great feat of arms. On the other hand, I praise Demosthenes for leaving his own home troubles to be wept for by the women of his household, and himself coming forward and doing what he imagined was best for his country. This shows a manly and patriotic spirit, which ever looks to the good of the community at large; and I think that in forcing his privat

an agony of terror, sent Demosthenes and several other orators on an embassy to Alexander; but he, fearing Alexander's fury, went no further than Mount Kith?ron, and then returned home. Alexander now at once sent to Athens to demand that ten of her chief orators should be given up to him, according to the historians Idomeneus and Douris, though most of the more trustworthy writers say that he only asked for the eight following:-Demosthenes, Polyeuktus, Ephialtes, Lykurgus, M?rokles, Demon, Kallisthenes and Charidemus. On this occasion Demosthenes told the people the fable of the sheep who gave up their watch-dogs to the wolves, explaining that he and the other orators were the watch-dogs who guarded the people, and calling Alexander the "great wolf of Macedon." "Moreover," sa

the Crown came on for trial. This action had been formally begun during the archonship of Ch?rondas, a short time before the battle of Ch?ronea, but it was not decided until ten years later, in the archonship of Aristophon. This, although a private action, attracted greater interest than any public one, both on account of the eloquence of the speakers on both sides and the spirited behaviour of the judg

as admiring a golden Persian drinking cup and examining the sculptures with which it was enriched, bade him take it in his hands and observe the weight of the gold. Demosthenes was surprised at the weight, and asked how much it would fetch. Harpalus answered with a smile, "It will fetch you twenty talents:" and as soon as it was dark he sent the cup and the twenty talents to the house of Demosthenes. Harpalus had very cleverly fathomed the character of Demosthenes by observing the loving and eager glances with which he eyed this cup; for he received the bribe and went over to the side of Harpalus, just as if he were a city which had received a foreign garrison. Next morning he carefully bandaged his throat with woollen wrappers, and proceeded to the assembly, where, when called upon

, and tried to hide from them. When, however, they came up to him, addressed him by his name, and begged him to receive money for his journey from them, assuring him that they had brought it to give to him and had pursued him for no other reason, Demosthenes burst into tears and exclaimed: "I may well be sorry to leave a home where my very enemies treat me with more kindness than any friends I am likely to find abroad will do." Demosthenes was much depressed by his banishment, and spent most of his time in Troezene or Aegina, looking towards Attica with tears in his eyes. He is said during his exile to have uttered many unmanly sentiments, very unworthy of his bold speeches when in power. On

was advocating the cause of Macedonia, and Demosthenes that of Greece. Pytheas said that we may always know that there is sickness in a house if we see asses' milk carried into it, and that a city must be in a bad way if it received an embassy from Athens. To this Demosthenes answered by turning his own illustration against him, for, he said, asses' milk is brought into houses to cure the sick, and Athenians come into other cities to save them from ruin. The people of Athens were so delighted with the conduct of Demosthenes in this matter that they decreed his restoration. The decree was proposed by Demon, one of the township of Paeania, and a cousin of Demosthenes; and a trireme was sent to Aegina to fetch him home. When he landed at Peir?us

y, and the people, at the instance of Demades, condemned them to death. As they had dispersed to all quarters of Greece, Antipater sent men in pursuit of them, the chief of whom was Archias, who was surnamed the Exile-hunter. This man, who was a citizen of Thurii, is said once to have been a tragic actor, and to have studied his art under the celebrated Polus of ?gina. Hermippus reckons Archias among the pupils of t

ected me on the stage, nor will your promises now." Upon this Archias became angry, and savagely threatened him. "Now," said Demosthenes, "you speak like the true Macedonian that you are; but just now you were acting a part. So now wait for a little while until I have sent a letter home." Saying this, he retired into the inner part of the temple, took his tablets as though about to write, placed his pen in his mouth and bit it, as he was wont to do when meditating what he should write, and after remaining so for some time, covered his head with his robe and leaned it on his arms. The soldiers standing at the door of the temple jeered at him for a coward, and Archias walked up to him and bade him rise, repeati

servant that waited on him told Archias, in answer to his inquiries, that Demosthenes had for a long time carried about a packet containing poison, to be used in case of need. Eratosthenes himself writes that Demosthenes carried the poison in a hollow bracelet which he wore on his arm. It would be tedious to notice all the discrepancies to be found in the numerous accounts which have been written of the death of Demosthenes; but I will mention that Demochares, a relative of Demosthenes, states his belief that he did not die by poison, but by the provident care of the

fought as well as

ne'er had rul

ers do, that Demosthenes himself composed this co

sthenes, which are represented as clasped together. Beside the statue grew a small plane-tree, and several leaves of this tree, either blown there by chance, or placed there on purpose by the soldier, concealed and covered up the money, so that

of his to Perdikkas, in which he urged him to seize the throne of Macedonia and save the Greeks, who were now hanging by an old and rotten thread (meaning Antipater). On the evidence of this letter, Deinarchus of Corinth charged him with treason, and Kassander was so infuriated at his perfidy that he first stabbed Demades's own son while in his father's arm

OF CI

he reason why his descendants did not reject the name, but were well pleased with it, though it was a matter of jeering to many: for the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and the first Cicero had at the end of his nose a cleft or split, slightly marked as we may suppose, like the cleft in a vetch, whence he got the cognomen. Indeed Cicero himself, the subject of this Life, on his friends advising him when he was first a candidate for office and began to engage in public life, to ge

he boys, so that their fathers used to visit the schools out of desire to see Cicero, and to inquire of his famed quickness and capacity for learning; but the ill-educated part were angry with their sons when they saw them giving Cicero a place in the midst of them in the public roads by way of honour. Cicero, who had a talent, such as Plato142 requires in a nature that loves learning and loves wisdom, for embracing all knowledge and undervaluing no kind of learning and discipline, happened to show a strong inclination to poetry: and indeed a small poem of his is still preserved, whic

d the state seemed to have received a settlement. During this time Chrysogonus,148 a freedman of Sulla, having laid an information about a man's property as being one of those who were put to death during the proscriptions, bought it for two thousand drachm?. Roscius, the son and heir of the dead man, complained of this, and showed that the property was of the value of two hundred and fifty talents, on which Sulla, being convicted, was angry, and with the assistance of Chrysogonus instituted a prosecution against Roscius for parricide. No one gave Roscius help, but all were deterred through fear of the severity of Sulla, on which the young man in his desolate condition had reco

ith philosophy. But when news came that Sulla was dead, and his body being strengthened by discipline was attaining a vigorous habit, and his voice being now brought under management had become pleasant to the ear and powerful, and was suitably adapted to his habit of body, and his friends from Rome were sending him many letters and exhortations, and Antiochus strongly urged him to engage in public affairs, he began anew to fashion his oratorical power, as if it were an instrument, and to rouse afresh his political capacity, by exercising himself in the proper discipline and attending the rhetoricians of repute. Accordingly he sailed to Asia and Rhodes;151 and among the Asiatic orators he attended the instruction of Xenokles of Adramyttium, and Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of Caria; and i

ted himself to assisting persons in their causes, and he did not approach the highest distinction by gradual steps, but at once blazed forth in reputation, and was far superior to those who exerted themselves in the Forum. It is said that he was as defective as Demosthenes in action, and that accordingly he carefully devoted himself first to Roscius153 the comedian, and then to ?sopus the tragedian. Of this ?sopus it is told, that when he was representing on the stage Atreus deliberating how he should revenge himself on Thyestes, and one of the serv

y, Cicero pleaded for them in a remarkable manner, and gained their acquittal. Being accordingly greatly elated at all this, on his journey to Rome, as he tells us, a ludicrous incident happened to him. In Campania157 falling in with a man of rank, whom he considered to be a friend of his, he asked him what the Romans said about his conduct in Sicily, and what they thought of it, supposing that the city was full of his name and of his measures, and upon the man replying, "But whe

nor presents for his services as an advocate, and most particularly by his undertaking the prosecution against Verres,158 who had been pr?tor of Sicily. Verres, who had been guilty of great malversation, was prosecuted by the Sicilians, and Cicero caused his conviction, not by speeches, but in a manner, as one may say, by not speaking at all. For as the pr?tors favoured Verres, and were putting off the trial to the last day by adjournments and tricks, and it was clear that the space of one day would not be sufficient for the speeches and the trial would not be brought to a conclusion, Cicero got up and said that the case required no speeches, and bringing forward the witnesses and taking their evidence he told the judices to give their vote. Yet many lively sayings of his at that trial are recorded. The Romans call a castrated hog "verres." Now whe

ten thousands, and a bequest which amounted to nine ten thousands of denarii. With these means he lived honourably and moderately, enjoying the company of the Greeks who were familiar with him, and of the Romans of learning: he rarely, if ever, lay down to table before sunset, and not so much because of his occupations, as because of his health, which suffered much from the stomach. He was also exact and careful in other matters that concerned the care of his body, and he employed both friction and walking a fixed number of times. By thus regulating his habit of body he maintained it free from disease, and

f, that while the judices were giving their votes he went home, and after cutting his hair with all speed, and putting on a clean dress, as if he had been acquitted, he was about to return to the Forum; but on Crassus meeting him near the hall door and telling him that he was condemned by all the votes, he turned back, took to his bed and died. And the circumstance brought Cicero credit for his careful administration of justice. Vatin

east to those who were accused. The tribunes also brought Cicero to the Rostra and found fault with him, but he prayed to be heard, and he said that as he had always behaved to accused persons with forbearance and kindness, so far as the laws allowed, he thought it would be harsh not to do so in the case of Manilius, and accordingly he had purposely limited him to the only day which was at his disposal as pr?tor, for that to throw the trial into the

ese men had for their head a bold man and an ambitious and one of versatile temper, Lucius Catilina, who in addition to other great crimes had once laboured under the imputation of unlawful commerce with his virgin daughter, and of murdering his own brother,170 and being afraid of being punished for this he persuaded Sulla to proscribe his brother among those who were doomed to die, as if he were still alive. Him the evil-minded took for their leader, and they gave various pledges to one another, and among these they sacrificed a man and ate of his flesh.171 Catilina had corrupted a large part of the youth in the city by supplying every one of them with pleasure and banquets

ated to be a leader either for good or bad, but one who would add force to another who was a leader. It was from seeing this that the majority of the honourable and the good encouraged Cicero to the c

, and all that had lately been acquired by Pompeius, to try whom they pleased, to send them into exile, to colonise cities, to take money from the treasury, and to maintain and raise as many soldiers as they might require. Accordingly others of the nobles were in favour of the law, and especially Antonius, the colleague of Cicero, who expected to be one of the ten. It was supposed also that he was acquainted with the designs of Catilina, and was not averse to them on account of the magnitude of his debts, which chiefly gave alarm to the nobles. And this was the first object that Cicero directed his attention to, and he caused the province of Macedonia173 to be given to Antonius, and Gaul, which was offered to himself, he d

former times those of the equestrian class were mingled with the crowd in the theatres and were spectators among the people, just as chance would have it; but Marcus Otho174 in his pr?torship was the first who, for the sake of distinction, separated the equites from the rest of the citizens, and gave them a particular place, which they still retain. The people took this as a disparagement of themselves, and when Otho appeared in the theatre, they hissed for the purpose of insultin

ist at the Comitia; for Catilina was again a candidate for the consulship, and had resolved to kill Cicero in the tumult of the elections. The d?mon also seemed to pre-signify what was going on by earthquakes and lightnings and sights. The information from human testimony was indeed clear, but not sufficient for conviction of a man of reputation and great power, like Catilina. Wherefore Cicero deferred the day of election, and summoning Catilina to the Senate questioned him about what was reported. Catilina, thinking that there were many in the Senate who were desirous of change, and at the same time wishing to make a display before the conspirators, gave Cicero an insane answer: "

ed to different persons, and one to Crassus himself without a signature. Crassus, having read this letter only, and seeing that the letter intimated that there would be great bloodshed caused by Catilina and that it urged him to quit the city, did not open the rest, but went forthwith to Cicero in alarm at the danger, and desiring to acquit himself somewhat of the blame which he bore on account of his friendship with Catilina. Accordingly Cicero after deliberating convened the Senate at daybreak, and taking the letters gave them to the persons to whom they were directed, and bade

Cicero by night, and exhorted him to be on his guard against Cethegus and his associate. The men came at daybreak, and as they were not permitted to enter, they fell to railing and abuse at the doors, which made them still more suspected. Cicero going out called the Senate to the temple of Jupiter the Stayer, whom the Romans call Stator, which is situated at the commencement of the Sacred Road as you go up to the Palatine. Catilina also came there with the rest to make his defence, but none of the senators would sit down with him, and all moved from the bench. Catilina began to speak, but he was int

d called him to account before the Senate; but Lentulus, coming forward in a very indifferent and contemptuous way, said that he had no account to give, but he offered his leg, as boys were wont to do when they had made a miss in playing at ball. From this he got the nickname of Sura, for the Romans call the leg 'sura.' Again, being brought to trial he bribed some of the judices, and was acquitted by two votes only, whereon he said that what he had given to one of the judices was fairly wasted, for it was enough to be acquitted by a single vote. Such being the c

of many incendiaries the city might be in a blaze in a short time on all sides.186 Others were to stop up the water conduits and to kill those who attempted to get water. While this was going on, there happened to be at Rome two ambassadors of the Allobroges,187 a nation which especially at that time was in a bad condition and oppressed by the supremacy of Rome. The partizans of Lentulus, considering them suitable persons for stiring up Gaul to revolt, made them privy to the conspiracy. They gave these men letters to their Senate and letters to Catilina, promising liberty to the Senate, and urging Catilina to free the slaves and to march upon Rome. They also sent with the

sumed a dress suitable to the occasion. Lentulus and his associates were delivered up to the pr?tors to be kept in custody, but without chains. It was now evening, and the people in crowds were waiting about the temple, when Cicero came forth and told the circumstance to the citizens, by whom he was conducted to the house of a neighbouring friend, for his own house was occupied by the women who were celebrating the mysterious rites to a goddess whom the Romans called Bona,190 and the Greeks call Gyn?ceia. A sacrifice is made to the goddess annually in the house of the consul by his wife or his mother in the presence of the Vestal Virgins. Cicero, going into the house, deliberated with a very few persons what he should do with the m

an to communicate to him her domestic matters, reported this to her husband and stimulated him against the conspirators: in like manner too his brother Quintus and Publius Nigidius, one of his philosophical companions, whose advice he used in the most and chiefest of his political measures. On the following day193 there was a discussion in the Senate about the punishment of the conspirators, when Silanus, who was first asked his opinion, said that they ought to be taken to prison and suffer the extreme punishment: and all who spoke in succession acceded to this opinion, till it came to the turn of Caius C?sar, who was afterwards Dictator. C?sar, who was then a young man and in the ver

sar's; and all his friends thinking that C?sar's opinion was for the advantage of Cicero, for he would be subject to less blame if he did not condemn the men to death, chose the second opinion rather, so that even Silanus himself changed and made his explanation, saying that neither had he delivered his opinion for death, for that the extreme punishment to a Roman senator was the prison. After the opinion was given, Catulus Lutatius was the first to oppose it; and he was followed by Cato, who in his speech vehemently ur

orum, who did not know what had been done and were waiting for the night, supposing that the men were still alive and might be rescued, Cicero said to them in a loud voice, "They have lived." In these terms the Romans are used to speak of death when they do not choose to use words of bad omen. It was now evening, and Cicero went up from the Forum to his house, the citizens no longer accompanying him in silence or in order, but receiving him with shouts and clapping as he passed along and calling him the saviour and founder of his country. And numerous lights illuminated the streets, for people placed lamps and torches at their doors. The women too showed lights from the roofs to honour the man and in order to see him going home, honourably attended by the nobles; most of whom, having brought to an end great wars and entered the c

down. Upon this Cicero came forward as if he were going to take the oath, and when he had procured silence, he swore not the usual oath, but one of his own and a new oath, to the effect that he had saved his country and preserved the supremacy of Rome: and the whole people confirmed the truth of his oath. At this C?sar and the tribunes, being still more vexed, contrived other cavils against Cicero, and a law was brought forward by them that Pompeius and his army should be recalled on the pretext of putting down the power o

of flowing gold, and of the dialogues of Plato, that Jupiter, if it were his nature to use language, would speak like him. Theophrastus he was used to call his own special luxury. Being asked about the speeches of Demosthenes,200 which he thought the best, he answered, the longest. Yet some of those who pretend to be imitators of Demosthenes, dwell on an expression of Cicero, which is used in a letter to one of his friends, that Demosthenes sometimes nodded in his speeches; but the great and admirable praise which he often bestows on the man, and that he entitled his own orations on which he bestowed most labour, those against Antonius, Philippics, they say nothing about. Of the men of his own time who gained a reputation for eloquence and learning, there is not one whose reputation he did not increase either by speaking or writing in favourable terms of him. When C?sar was

rcus Crassus from the Rostra, and a few days after he abused him, on which Crassus observed, "Did you not lately praise me in the same place?" to which Cicero replied, "Yes, for practice sake, exercising my eloquence on a mean subject." Crassus having remarked on one occasion that none of the Crassi had lived in Rome to be more than sixty years of age, and afterwards denying that he had said so, and observing, What could have led him to say this? Cicero replied, "You know that the Romans would be glad to hear it and so you w

delay." There was a certain Octavius209 who had the ill-repute of being a native of Libya, and on the occasion of a certain trial he said that he could not hear Cicero. "And yet," said Cicero, "your ear is not without a hole in it." Metellus Nepos observing that Cicero by giving testimony against persons had caused more to be condemned than he had caused to be acquitted by undertaking their cause, "Well," said he, "I admit that I have more credit than eloquence." A certain youth who was charged with giving poison to his father in a cake, spoke with great confidence, and said that he would abuse Cicero; "I would rather have this from you," said Cicero, "than a cake." Publius Sextius210 had Cicero with others as his advocate in a cause, but he chose to say everything himself and would let nobody else speak, and when it was plain that he would be acquitted and the judices were giving their votes, Cicero said, "Make the most of your opportunity to-day, for to-morrow you will be a mere nobody." One Publius Consta,211 who set up for a lawyer, but was an ignorant and stupid fe

l record a few instances of this also. He called Marcus Aquinius,213 Adrastus,214 because he had two sons-in-law who were in exile. Lucius Cotta,215 who held the office of censor, was very fond of wine, and it happened that Cicero during his canvass for the consulshi

' will his chil

be surprised; he too is one of those who have practised their voices." When Faustus,218 the son of Sulla who had been dictator in Rome and proscribed many to the death,

the men were not allowed to see; and as there was no man there, Clodius being still a youth and not yet bearded hoped to slip through to Pompeia with the women. But as it was night when he got into a large house, he was perplexed by the passages; and as he was rambling about a female slave of Aurelia, C?sar's mother, saw him and asked him his name. Being compelled to speak, he said that he was looking for

ro, she urged him to join in the attack on Clodius and to give testimony against him. Many men also of the highest character charged Clodius by their testimony with perjury, disorderly conduct, bribing of the masses, and debauching of women. Lucullus also produced female slaves to testify that Clodius had sexual commerce with his youngest sister when she was the wife of Lucullus. There was also a general opinion that Clodius debauched his other two sisters, of whom Marcius Rex had Terentia and Metellus Celer had Clodia to wife, who was called Quadrantaria, because one of her lovers put copper coins for her in a purse pretending they were silver and sent them to her; now the smallest copper coin the Romans called Quadrans. It was with regard to this sister that Clodius was most suspected. However as the people on that occasion set themselves against those who bore testimony and combined against Clodius, the judices being afraid procured

gh he was not his friend, but an object of suspicion owing to the affair of Catilina, asked to accompany him as a legatus. C?sar accepted the proposal, but Clodius, seeing that Cicero was escaping from his tribunitian power, pretended to be disposed to come to terms with him, and by laying most blame on Terentia, and always speaking of Cicero in moderate terms and using words which imported a favourable disposition, as a man who had no hatred or ill feeling towards him, but had certain reasonable grounds of complaint to be urged in a friendly way, he completely stopped Cicero's fears, so that he declined a legation under C?sar and again applied himself to public affairs. At whi

he sent his son-in-law Piso228 to entreat for him, and then he went himself. Pompeius hearing of his coming did not wait to see him, for he had a strong feeling of shame towards a man who had made great efforts on his behalf, and had carried many public measures to please him, but as he was C?sar's son-in-law, he gave up old obligations at his request, and slipping out by a different door evaded meeting with Cicero. Cicero being thus betrayed by him and left deserted, fled for refuge to the consuls. Gabinius still maintained his hostility, but Piso spoke229 more kindly, and advised him to go out of the way and to yield to the impetuosity of Clodius and to submit to the change in circumstances, and again to be the saviour of his country, whic

e to tell him to keep away from Sicily. Whereat desponding he set out for Brundusium, and thence attempted to pass over to Dyrrachium234 with a fair wind; but as it began to blow against him when he was out at sea, he came back the day after, and again set sail. It is said that when he had reached Dyrrachium and was going to land, there was a shaking of the earth and a violent motion in the sea at the same time; from which the diviners prognosticated that his flight would not be lasting, for these were signs of change. And though many men visited him from good will and the Greek cities vied in sending deputations to him, yet he passed his time in despondency235 and exceeding grief, for the most part looking to Italy, like those who are desperately in love, and in his be

d this, the Senate resolved to ratify nothing in the mean time and to do no public business, unless Cicero was restored. When Lentulus239 was consul, and the disorder went on increasing so that tribunes were wounded in the Forum, and Quintus the brother of Cicero only escaped by lying among the bodies as if he were dead, the people began to undergo a change of opinion, and one of the tribunes, Annius Milo, was the first to venture to bring Clodius to trial for violence, and many sided with Pompeius both from among the people and the neighbouring cities. Coming forward with them and driving Clodius from the Forum, he called the citizens to the vote: and it is said that the people never confirmed any

lodius had illegally passed from the patrician body to the tribunate, and that none of his acts were valid, at which Cato took offence and spoke against him, not indeed in commendation of Clodius, but expressing his mortification at his measures; however he showed that it was an unusual and violent measure

the night surrounded the Forum with soldiers on the heights, and Milo, fearing that Cicero might be disturbed at the unusual sight and manage his case worse, persuaded him to be carried in a litter to the Forum and to rest there till the judices met and the court was formed. But Cicero, as it appears, was not only without courage in arms, but was timid even when he commenced speaking, and hardly ceased shaking and trembli

speech for trembling and hesitation, though Milo himself bravely and courageously assisted at the trial and would not deign to let his hair grow or to change his dress for a dark o

those who were agreeable to him at banquets, not in a costly way, but liberally. And there was no doorkeeper to his house, nor was he ever seen by any one lying down, but in the morning he would be standing or walking about in front of his chamber, where he received those who paid their respects247 to him. It is said that he neither punished any one with rods nor allowed any man's garment to be rent, nor vented abuse in passion, nor inflicted any penalty accompanied with contumelious treatment. By discovering that much of the public property was embezzled he enriched the cities, and he maintained in their civil rights those who made restoration, without letting them suffer anything further. He engaged also in a war in which he defeated the robbers of Mount Amanus, for which he was

this flight, and it was supposed that he was attaching himself to C?sar. And it is plain that in his resolves he was much perplexed both ways and suffered much; for he says in his letters250 that he did not know which way to turn himself, and that Pompeius had an honourable and good cause to fight for, but that C?sar managed things better and was better able to save himself and the citizens, so that he knew whom to fly from, but not whom to fly to. Trebatius, on

peius, and privately showed his dissatisfaction at his plans, and abstained not from scoffing and saying any sharp thing of the allies, though he himself always went about in the camp without a smile and with sorrowful countenance; but he gave cause of laughter to others who had no occasion for it. It is better to mention a few of these things. Domitius251 was placing in a post of command a man of no warlike turn, and said, How modest he is in his manner and how prudent; "Why then," said Cicero, "do you not keep him to take care of your children?" When some were commending Theophanes252 the Lesbian, who was a Pr?fectus of Fabri in the camp, for his excellent consolation of the Rhodians on the loss of their fleet, "What a huge blessing it is," he said, "to have a Greek Pr?fect!" When C?sar was successful in mos

nd by land to Brundusium, Cicero went to him, not being altogether without hope, but feeling shame in the presence of many persons to make trial of a man who was his enemy and victorious. However there was no need for him to do or say anything unworthy of himself; for when C?sar saw Cicero coming to meet him at a great distance before all the rest, he got down, and embraced him and talking with him alone walked several stadia. From this time he continued to show respect to Cicero and friendly behaviour, so that even in his reply to Cicero, who had written a panegyric on Cato, he commended his eloquence and his life, as most resembling those of Perikles and Theramenes.255 Cicero's discourse was called Cato, and C?sar's was entitled Anticato. It is said als

visible, and Vacuum, and many other like terms, some of which by metaphor, and others by other modes of assimilation he contrived to make intelligible and to bring into common use: and he employed his ready turn for poetry to amuse himself. For it is said that when he was disposed that way, he would make five hundred verses in a night. The greatest part of his time he now spent in his lands at Tusculum, and he used to write to his friends that he was living the life of Laertes,258 whether it was that he said this in jest, as his manner was, or whether from ambition he was bursting with des

ong a journey, she did not supply her with suitable attendance, nor any means, but she even made Cicero's house void of everything and empty, besides incurring many great debts. These are the most decent reasons for the separation which are mentioned. But Terentia denied that these were the reasons, and Cicero made her defence a complete one by marrying no long time after a maid;260 as Terentia charged it, through passion for her beauty, but as Tiro261 the freedman of Cicero has recorded it, to get means for paying his debts. For the young woman was very rich and Cicero had the care of her property, being left fiduciary heir. Being in debt to the amount of many ten thousands he was persuaded by his friends and relatives

tus and Cassius, and C?sar's friends were combining against the conspirators, and there was fear of the city again being involved in civil wars, Antonius, who was consul, brought the Senate together and said a few words about concord; and Cicero, after speaking at length and suitably to the occasion, persuaded the Senate to imitate the Athenians and decree an amnesty264 for what had been done to C?sar, and to give provinces to Brutus and Cassius. But none of these thi

us to spend the summer in Athens, and when they had entered on their office, to come back, and he sailed off by himself. But as there was some delay about the voyage, and new reports, as the wont is, reached him from Rome that Antonius had undergone a wonderful change, and was doing and administering everything conformably to the pleasure of the Senate, and that matters only required his presence to be brought to the best arrangement, himself blaming his excessive caution turned back to Rome. And he was not deceived in his first expectations, so great a crowd of people through joy and longing for him poured forth to meet him, and near a whole day was taken up at the gates and upon his entrance with greetings and friendly reception. On the following day Antonius summoned a Senate and invited

d the sons of the senators to the Capitol, as Jupiter was going to appoint one of them chief of Rome, and that the citizens ran eagerly and placed themselves around the temple and the youths seated themselves in their pr?text? in silence. The doors opened suddenly and one by one the youths rising walked round before the god, who looked at them all and dismissed them sorrowing. But when young C?sar was advancing towards him, the god stretched out his hand and said, "Romans, there is an end to civil wars when this youth becomes your leader." They say that Cicero having had such a dream as this had imprinted on his memory the appearance of the youth and retained it distinctly, but he did not know

any things which he did successfully. Cicero's power in the city was then at its height, and as he could do what he liked, he drove Antonius out and raised a faction against him and sent out the two consuls Irtius and Pansa274 to fight against him, and he persuaded the Senate by a vote to give C?sar lictors and the insignia of a pr?tor, as if he were fighting in defence of their country. But when Antonius had been defeated and on the death of the two consuls after the battle the forces joined C?sar, and the Senate through fear of a youth who had enjoyed splendid success was attempting by honours and gifts to call away from him the armies, and to divide his power, on the gr

wer with them, just as if it were a piece of property. And a list of above two hundred men was made out, who were doomed to die. The proscription of Cicero caused most dispute among them in their discussions, for Antonius was not inclined to come to any terms unless Cicero was the first to be doomed to death, and Lepidus sided with Antonius, but C?sar held out against both. They held their meeting by themselves in secret near the city Bononia277 for three days, and they met in a place at some distance from the camps which was

d halting by the way and placing their litters side by side they lamented to one another. Quintus281 was the more desponding, and he began to reflect on his needy condition, for he said that he had brought nothing from home; and indeed Cicero was but scantily provided for his journey; it was better then, he said, for Cicero to hurry on in his flight, and for him to hasten back and

ther schemes and shifting from one to another, he put himself in the hands of his slaves to convey him by sea to Capit?,283 for he had lands there and a place of retreat which was very agreeable in summer, when the Etesian winds blow most softly. The place has also a temple of Apollo, a little above the sea. A flock of crows winging their flight from thence with loud cawing approached the vessel of Cicero as it was rowing to land, and settling at each end of the sail-yard some made a noise, and others gnawed the end of the ropes, and all were of opinion that the omen was bad. Cicero landed, and going

her Quintus, Philologus by name, told the tribune that the litter was being conveyed through the wooded and shady paths to the sea. Accordingly the tribune, taking a few men with him, ran round to the outlet. And as Herennius was running along the paths, Cicero saw him and bade the slaves place down the litter there; and, as his wont was, holding his chin with his left hand he looked steadily on the murderers, being all squalid and unshorn, and h

the wife of Quintus, who having got him into her power, inflicted terrible vengeance upon him, and among other things compelled him to cut off his flesh bit by bit, and to roast and eat it. Thus some of the historians have told the story, but Tiro, who was Cicero's freedman, makes no mention at all of the treachery of Philologus.287 I have heard that C?sar a long time after once went to see one of his daughter's sons,288 and as the youth had in his hands one of Cicero's writings, he was afraid and hid it in his vest; the which C?sar observing t

F DEMOSTHENE

re to let his audience know that he was a man of letters. In their speeches, too, we can discern the impress of their respective characters. The eloquence of Demosthenes never stoops to jest, and is utterly without ornament, but has a terrible concentrated earnestness, which does not smell of the lamp, as Pytheas sneeringly said, but which reminds us of the ungenial, painstaking, acrimonious nature of the man: while Cicero often is carried by his love of jesting to the verge of buffoonery, and in his pleadings treats serious matters in a tone of most unbecoming levity and flippancy, as in the oration for C?cilius he argues that in an age of such luxury and extravagance there can be nothing to wonder at if a man takes his pleasure; for not to help oneself to the pleasures which are within

his language; whereas Cicero's show a ridiculous amount of egotism and craving for applause, when, he demands that "arms shall yield to the toga, and the triumphal laurel290 give place to his tongue." At last he took to praising n

rude, whose

r foes to str

eches. Wherefore, in this respect Demosthenes appears far graver, and of a nobler nature; for he himself declared that his eloquence came only by pract

e Roman generals and governors, thinking it beneath them to steal money, used to resort to open robbery. It was not thought discreditable to plunder a province, but he who did so with moderation was esteemed as an excellent governor. Cicero on these occasions gained great credit by the many proofs which he gave of indifference to money, and of goodness and kindness of heart. At Rome itself also, he was elected nominally consul, but really dictator with unlimited powers to deal with Catilina's conspiracy, and he then proved the truth of Plato's aphorism, that a state finds rest from its misfortunes when by good luck a powerful and able man is found to rule it with justice. Demosthenes again is said to have made money dishonourably by writing speeches for other men, as in the case of the

re voting that he should be restored to Rome. Yet Cicero spent his exile idly in Macedonia, while Demosthenes carried out an important part of his policy while in exile; for, as has been related, he accompanied the Athenian embassy to the various states of Greece, discomfited the Macedonian ambassadors, and proved himself a far better citizen than Themistokles or Alkibiades under similar circumstances: moreover, after

although he could in any case have but a short time to live, and then be murdered after all; while Demosthenes, though he did beg somewhat for his life, must be admired for his forethought in providing himself with the

F DEME

ey decide not only what is honourable, righteous and useful but likewise what is hurtful, shameful, and unjust, do not praise innocency which prides itself upon inexperience of evil, but think it to be folly and ignorance of what all who intend to live as becomes them ought to know. The ancient Spartans at their feasts used to compel their helots to drink a large quantity of wine, and then brought them into the banqueting-hall, in order to show the young Spartans what drunkenness was like. I think that to instruct one class of men by the ruin of another is neither humane nor politic, yet I conceive that it may be useful to insert among my Parallel Lives some examples of men who have been careless of their own reputation, and who have used their great place and power only to make themselves notorious for evil. The description of such men's lives is not indeed an agreeable task, or a pleasant mode of employing my leisure, still, as Ismenias the Theban, when instructing his scholars how to play the

was a few years younger than himself, died soon, but Demetrius grew up to be a tall man, though not so tall as his father. His face and figure were of extraordinary beauty, which baffled all the attempts of painters and sculptors to do it justice. His expression was at once sweet, commanding and terrible; and his countenance showed all the eagerness and fire of youth combined with the calm dignity of a hero and a king. In like manner his

s presence, Antigonus said to them in a loud voice, "And, gentlemen, you may carry home this news about me and my son, that these are the terms on which we live," thinking that so great a proof of his trust in his son's loyalty would add considerable strength to his throne. So much mistrust and suspicion is bred by absolute power, and so hard a thing is it for a king to have a companion, that the eldest and greatest of the successors of Alexander publicly boasted that he was not afraid to have

away to Pontus on the Euxine, after having gathered the golden harvest. Antigonus was much disturbed at this vision, and after having compelled his son to swear that he would keep silence about it, told him of the vision, and added that he had made up his mind to make away with the man. Demetrius was greatly grieved at hearing this, and when the young man, as he was wont to do, again joined him, and spent the day with him, Demetrius dared not tell him by word of mouth what danger he was in, because of the oath; but he drew him aside into a quiet place, and there,

g that Ptolemy had left the island of Cyprus, had landed in Syria and was ravaging that country, he himself remained in Phrygia, but sent his son Demetrius to oppose him. Demetrius was now two and twenty years of age, and was now for the first time entrusted with the sole management of an important campaign. As might be expected of so young and untried a commander, when pitted against a man trained to war under Alexander, and who had s

him in like manner. He did not behave himself like a youth who has received a check at the outset of his first campaign, but repaired his failure like an old

pposed to be disheartened by his defeat, quite out of Syria. But Demetrius by a sudden attack surprised his army and struck it with panic. He captured the enemy's camp and their general, and took eight thousand prisoners and a great quantity of booty. He was overjoyed at this, not because he meant to keep what he had won, but to give it back, and did not so much value the glory and wealth which he had gained as the opportunity now of

he incurred great danger by journeying through waterless deserts; but his intrepid courage ove

tamia in a defenceless condition, suddenly crossed the Euphrates, took Babylon by surprise, and made himself master of one of its two citadels, driving out the garrison placed there by Seleukus. Demetrius placed seven thousand of his own troops in the citadel, ordered his troops to enrich themselves by the plunde

Demetrius and Antigonus, to gain themselves honour by freeing the Greeks, spent upon them the treasure which they had won in their victories over the barbarians. They determined first of all to attack Athens, and when one of the friends of Antigonus advised him, if he captured that

e ships were seen, they were thought to form part of Ptolemy's fleet, and preparations were made to give them a friendly reception. At last the officers in command discovered their mistake, and a scene of great confusion ensued, as they hastily made preparations to resist the enemy, who were already in the act of disembarking; for Demetrius, finding the mouths of the harbours open, sail

nt ambassadors to make their submission. Demetrius received them graciously and sent back with them Aristodemus of Miletus, one of his father's friends. As the Phalerean, in consequence of this sudden turn of fortune, was more afraid of his own countrymen than of the enemy, Demetrius, who admired his courage and public spirit, took care to have him conveyed in safety to Thebes, to whi

sudden attack upon him. He only escaped by putting on a mean cloak and running away alone; so that his licentiousness very nearly exposed him to ignominious capture. When Megara was taken the soldiers were about to plunder the city, but the Athenians with great difficulty prevailed upon Demetrius to spare it. He drove out the Macedonian garrison and made the city independent. While he was doing this he remembered Stilpon the philosopher, who was reputed t

ution. He also promised that his father Antigonus would send them one hundred and fifty thousand bushels of wheat and timber enough to build a fleet of one hundred ships of war. Thus did the Athenians recover their democratic constitution fifteen

der, being the only one of their ensigns of royalty which had not been adopted by other princes. The Athenians too were the only people who styled Antigonus and Demetrius their saviour gods, and they even abolished the ancient office of the archon from whom the year received its name, and elected in his place every year a priest to minister at the altar of the saviour gods. They also decreed that their images should be woven into the sacred peplus

voys who conducted the public sacrifices to the great festivals at Olympia and at Delphi. Indeed, in all other respects Stratokles was a man of shameless effrontery and debauched life, who appeared to imitate the scurrility of Kleon in ancient times by the reckless

e decreed a sacrifice of thanksgiving, and had meat publicly distributed among the tribes for entertainments. Shortly afterwards the scattered ships began to arrive, coming home as well as they could after the defeat. When the peopl

same divine honours which were paid to Demeter and Dionysius, and that money should be granted from the public treasury to the person who should celebrate the festival of the reception with the greatest magnificence, in order that

procession through the Kerameikus, while a great quantity of hemlock grew up round the altars which were erected in their honour, although it was not a common plant in the neighbourhood. On the day of the festival of Dionysius the procession was put a stop to by excessive cold, wh

aused the pep

d the frost to b

worships morta

roy us, not my

le Philippides was beloved by him on other grounds, because he gave no trouble and never veiled his thoughts in courtly periphrases. Once Lysimachus, meaning to be very civil to him said, "Philippides, which of my possession

as it was proposed. "In a happy hour the people decree that one man shall be chosen from the citizens of Athens, who shall go to our saviour, and after he has done sacrifice unto him, shall ask Demetrius, our saviour, in what manner the people may, with greatest h

ough Demetrius made no sort of difficulty about marriage, and had many wives at the same time. The chief of his wives, and the one whom he most respected, was Phila, the daughter of Antipater, and the widow of Kraterus, who was the most popular with the Macedonians of all the successors of Alexander durin

tune, marriage

which Demetrius paid to her and to his other wives did not prevent his intriguing with various cour

der them independent. As this attempt failed he quickly set sail, collected a large force, and proceeded to Cyprus. Here he fought a battle with Menelaus, Ptolemy's brother, and at once defeated him. Shortly afterwards Ptolemy himself came to Cyprus with an immense fleet and army. The two commanders now interchanged messages of scornful defiance. Ptolemy bade Demetrius put to sea before his own host assembled a

as so narrow that this number sufficed to close it. He himself now got his land force under arms, disposed it upon several neighbouring promontories, and put to sea with one hundred and eighty ships. He bore straight down upon the enemy's fleet, and completely defeated it. Ptolemy himself, when all was lost, escaped with only eight ship

yer, and who had afterwards become notorious by her amours. Her beauty was at this time somewhat faded, yet, although Demetrius was much you

ed Salamis to Demetrius, with all his ships, and a land army of

all the crew remain on board, and himself rowed ashore in a small boat. He now walked up to the palace of Antigonus, who was in a state of great excitement and impatience to learn the issue of the battle, as may easily be imagined, considering the importance of the stake. When he heard that Aristodemus was come, his anxiety reached its highest pitch. He could scarcely keep himself indoors, and sent messenger after messenger, both servants and his own friends, to learn from Aristodemus what had taken place. Aristodemus returned no answer to any of them, but walked leisurely on

heard of this, also proclaimed Ptolemy king, that they might not appear to be dispirited by their defeat. Their example was soon followed by the other successors of Alexander, out of rivalry, for Lysimachus and Seleukus now began to wear the diadem in the presence of Greeks, though

just as actors when they put on royal robes adopt also the lofty port and the haughty voice and carriage of a king. They also became more severe in their administration of justice, because they now laid aside that dissimulation by which they h

friend of Antigonus, was warned in a dream of what was destined to be the issue of the campaign. He dreamed that Antigonus with all his army was running a race in the circus. At first he appeared to be running strong

ps, and returned without having accomplished anything. Antigonus was now very near eighty years of age, and was incapacitated for active service by his size and unwieldiness rather th

nother time, when Demetrius spent several days in drinking, and excused himself by saying that he had been laid up with a severe cold, Antigonus answered, "So I understood, but was the cold Chian or Thasian?" Once Antigonus heard that Demetrius had a fever, and went to see him. At the door he met one of his favourites coming out. He went in, sat down by his bedside, and took him by the hand. When Demetrius said that the fever had just left him, Antigonus answered, "Yes, I met it just now at th

dorycnium.298 These he used to plant and tend with his own hands in the royal gardens, and made it his business to know their various juices and fruit, and to gather it in due season. The kings of Parthia, too, used to pride themselves upon sharpening the points of their own javelins. But the mechanics of Demetrius were always upon a royal scale, and his engines were of enormous size, showing by their admirable and ingenious construction the grand ideas of their inventor; for they appeared worthy not only of the genius and wealth, but of the hand of a king. Their size astonished his friends, while their beauty charmed even his enemies, and this praise is far from being as exaggerated as it sounds; for his enemies actually stood in crowds alon

d be shot, as it was full of soldiers armed with every kind of weapon. It never shook nor trembled, but rolled steadily onwards, upright and firm, with a regular, equable motion, which filled all spectators with terror and delight. Two steel corslets were brought from Cyprus for Demetrius to use in this war, each of which weighed forty min?.300 The maker, Zoilus, in order to show their strength and power of resisting a blow, bade Demetrius shoot a dart out of a catapult at one of

h Demetrius was much nettled by the conduct of the Rhodians, he did not stoop to retaliation upon them, although he soon had an opportunity of doing so. Protogenes of Kaunus happened at that time to be painting a picture of Ialysus302 for the Rhodians, and Demetrius found the picture very nearly completed in one of the suburbs of the city. The Rhodians sent a herald and begged him to spare the work, and not destroy it, to which he answered, that he would rather burn his father's statues than such a precious work of art. Apelles tells us that when he saw this picture, the sight at first took òaway his

return he freed the Greeks south of Thermopyl? from Macedonian domination, formed an alliance with the Boeotians and took Kenchre?. He destroyed the forts at Phyle and Panaktum in Attica, which had been garrisoned by Kassander's troops, and restored them to the Athenians. They, although they appeared to have exhausted every possible form of adulation during his former visit, yet contrived to flatter him by the invention of fresh honours. They assigned the interio

trius watched his opportunity, and surprised him there alone. The boy, when he saw that he was caught where no one could help him, rather than suffer violence, took off the lid of the copper, leaped into the boiling water, and destroyed himself. He deserved a better fate, but the spirit which prompted the act was worthy of his country and of his beauty, and was very different to that of Kleaenetus the son of Kleomedon, who, when his father was condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents, obtained a remission of it from Demetrius, and showed a letter from Demetrius to the Athenian people signifying his pleasure in the matter; by which conduct Kleaenetus not only disgraced himself, but threw the whole city into a ferment. Kleomedon's fine was remitted, but the people decreed that no citizen should ever again bring them a letter from Demetrius. However, as Demet

by bribing their garrisons to evacuate them with a hundred talents. At Argos he acted as president of the games at the festival of Hera, which took place whilst he was there. On this occasion he held a solemn assembly of all the Greeks, and publicly married Deidameia, a daughter of ?akides,

m, being elated by his good fortune and the immense force at his disposal. Alexander never deprived a king of his title, nor did he ever call himself king of kings, though he raised many to the dignity and style of kings;

ius should think him a eunuch; for it was a pretty general custom to appoint eunuchs to the post of treasurer. Indeed Lysimachus hated him more bitterly than all of the rest, and, sneering at h

in the month Anthesterion, and the greater in B?dromion. When the letter was read, no one ventured to offer any opposition except Pythodorus the torchbearer,305 and he effected nothing; for, at the instance of Stratokles, the Athenians decreed that the month Munychion should be called Anthesterion, and in it celebra

to one month t

lodging of Demetrius i

Acropolis as

irgin's shrine

r sisterhood to furnish their toilet-tables. It was the disgrace of the whole business and the scorn which it brought upon them, which stung them to the quick, more than the loss of the money. Some writers say that it was the people of Thessaly, not the Athenians, whom he treated in this manner. However, besides this, Lamia extorted money from many citiz

it. On hearing this they laughingly said that their master also frequently showed upon his neck the marks of a savage beast called Lamia, which he kept. The wonder was that Demetrius, who had objected to Phila as being past her first youth, should yet be so captivated by Lamia, who was now far advanced in years. Once when Lamia was playing on the flute at a banquet, Demetrius asked the courtesa

for the money, and Bocchoris, having heard the case argued, ordered the man to place the exact sum which she demanded in a glass vessel, and to wave it backwards and forwards while she clutched at the shadow, because the young m

d even harsher in word than in deed, he alienated from himself and exasperated many young and powerful men; and even now he boasted that he would scatter the confederacy by which he was menaced as easily as a man scares a flock of birds away from a field. He took the field with more than seventy thousand infantry, ten thousand cavalry, and seventy-five elephants, while his enemies' army numbered sixty-four thousand infantry, five hundred more cavalry than his own, four hundred elephants, and one hundred and twenty war-chariots. When they drew near he became less hopeful rather than less determined. He was always wont to show a lofty and boastful spirit in the hour of danger, speaking in a loud tone, using confiden

battle. When Demetrius answered "Zeus and victory," Alexander replied, "I will go away now, and tell this to the enemy; for I am going over to them." Antigonus, too, as he stepped out of his tent to see his

g this, Seleukus kept the rest of his cavalry ever threatening to charge, but never actually doing so, hovering near the phalanx and both terrifying it and giving the men an opportunity of changing sides, which indeed took place; for a great mass of Antigonus's infantry came over to Seleukus, and the rest fled. Many enemies now beset Antigonus, and one of his attendants s

thens, where he felt assured of the loyalty of the people. But while he was passing the Cyclades he met an embassy from Athens begging him not to approach that city, since the people had decreed that none of the kings should be admitted within its walls. The ambassadors added that his wife Deidameia had been escorted with due honour and respect to Megara. On hearing this, Demetrius, who had borne the rest of his misfortunes with the utmost serenity, and had never hitherto allowed an unworthy expression to escape him, became transported with anger. He was, in truth, bitterly grieved at being thus unexpectedly betrayed by the Athenians, and at finding that their apparent enthusiasm in his cause had all the while been unreal and fictitious. Apparently the b

oars. Having received them he coasted along as far as the Isthmus, where he found that all his garrisons had been driven out of the cities, and that the whole country had gone over to his enemies. He now left Pyrrhus to act as his lieutenant in Greece, and himself sailed to the Chersonese.309 H

chus had recently married one of Ptolemy's daughters himself, and taken the other for his son Agathokles. To Demetrius this offer of marriage from Seleukus was a most unexpected piece of good fortune. He placed his daughter on board ship, and sailed with his entire fleet to Syria. On his way he was forced to land several times to obtain supplies, especially on

y intercourse without any body-guard or arms, till at length Seleukus took Stratonike, and escorted her with great pomp to Antiocheia.310 Demetrius now made himself master of Cilicia, and sent his wife Phila to her brother, Kassander, to answer the accusations brought against him by Pleistarchus. During this time Deidameia sailed from Greece and joined Demetrius, but not long after her arrival she sickened and died. By the good offices of Seleukus, Demetrius was now reconciled with Ptolemy, and arranged to take Ptolem?is, Ptolemy's daughter, for his wife. So far Seleukus behaved very well; but he could not prevail upon Demetrius to give up Cilicia to him for

oast of Attica he encountered a violent storm, in which he lost most of his ships and a great number of his men. He himself escaped unhurt, and at once began to make war against the Athenians. As, however, he could not effect anything, he sent his lieutenants to collect another fleet, and meanwhile proceeded to Peloponnesus. Here he laid siege to Messene, and during an assault nearly lost his life, for he was struck full in the face by a dart from a catapult, which pierced through his jaw into his mouth. He recovered from his woun

h was sent by Ptolemy to aid them. Soon, however, Demetrius collected from Peloponnesus and Cyprus a fleet of three hundred ships, b

ting out to them a fixed allowance of beans every day. This was the condition of the city when Demetrius made his entry into it. He ordered all the Athenians to assemble in the theatre, occupied the stage with armed men, placing his own body-guard round the part usually reserved for the actors, and made his appearance, like a tragic actor, through the entrance at the back.314 The Athenians were greatly terrified at these proceedings, but the first words of his address put an end to their fears. He spoke in a mild and conciliatory tone, briefly and gently, complained of their conduct towards him, and announced his forgiveness of them.

ich he killed two hundred Spartans, and took five hundred prisoners; and he very nearly took the city itself, which up to that time had never been taken. Fortune, however, seems to have introduced greater and more sudden vicissitudes into the life of Demetrius than into

p, and thou dos

master of Cyprus with the exception of Salamis, which he was besieging, in which city was the mother and the children of Demetrius. Yet, like the woman spoken of by the poet Archilochus, who deceitfully offers water in one hand, while she holds

invited by the young prince, was warned that his host intended to assassinate him while they were drinking after dinner. Demetrius was not in the least disturbed at this intelligence, but merely delayed going to the banquet for a short time, while he ordered his officers to keep their men under arms, and bade his personal followers and pages, who far out-numbered the retinue of Alexander, to enter the banqueting hall with him, and to remain there until he left the table. Alarmed by these precautions, Alexander did not venture to offer him any violence; and Demetrius soon left the room, excusing himself on the ground that his health would not permit him to drink wine. On the following day Demetrius made preparations for departure, announcing that he had received news which made this necessary. He begged Alexander to pardon him for so sudden a retreat, and promised that when he was more at leisure he would pay him ano

ke a long speech, for the Macedonians, who hated Antipater for having murdered his mother, and who knew not where to look for a better sovereign, saluted Demetrius as King of the Macedonians, and at once conducted him into Macedonia. The new reign was not displeasing to the remainder of the Macedonians, who had never forgotten the disgraceful conduct

ratonike, who was quite a young girl, though she had already borne a child to Seleukus. After making many fruitless efforts to resist his passion, he reflected upon the wickedness of indulging a love which he was unable to restrain, and decided that he would put an end to his life. Under pretence of illness he refused to take nourishment, neglected his person, and was quietly sinking. Erasistratus, his physician, had without much difficult

terprise to explain the real state of the case, but, nevertheless, trusting to the love of Seleukus for his son, he one day ventured to tell him that love was really the disorder from which young Antiochus was suffering, and that it was a hopeless and incurable passion. "How incurable?" inquired Seleukus. "Because," answered Erasistratus, "he is in love with my wife." "Well, then," said Seleukus, "will you not give her up, Erasistratus, and marr

onvoked a general assembly of his people, and declared to them that he had determined to nominate Antiochus king, and Stratonike queen of all the nations of the interior, and that they were to be married. He believed, he said, that his son, who had always been accustomed to obey him, would raise no objection to the ma

ential citizen of Thespi?, encouraged them to recover their liberty, they revolted from Demetrius. Upon this, Demetrius brought up his famous siege train to attack their cities.317 Kleonymus was so terrified that he secretly withdrew, and the B?otians were scared into submission. Demetrius, though he garrisoned all their cities with his own troops, levi

rded. The B?otians seized the opportunity of his absence to revolt, while news was brought to Demetrius that Lysimachus had been dismissed by his captors. Enrage

ians made a vigorous defence, and Demetrius frequently forced his soldiers to engage in battle with them, more out of arrogance than through any real necessity for fighting. After one of these battles, Antigonus, grieved at the number of men who had fallen, said, "My father, why do we allow all these men to perish, when there is no occasion for it?" Demetrius sharply answered, "Why do you take offence at this? Do you have to pay the dead?" Yet Demetrius, not wishing it to be thought that he was lavish of other men's blood and not of his own, but bei

ses leading to Delphi were held by the ?tolians, he celebrated the games in Athens, declaring that it was right that especial hon

h Pantauchus and put him to flight, killing many of his followers, and taking five thousand prisoners. This did more damage to the cause of Demetrius than anything else; for Pyrrhus was not so much disliked for the harm which he had done them, as he was admired for his personal prowess. His fame became great in Macedonia after this battle, and many Macedonians were heard to say that he alone, of all the princes of the time, revived the image of Alexander's daring courage, while the rest, and especially Demetrius, only imitated his demeanour by their theatrical pomp and trapp

f obtaining access to him; for he either refused to grant an interview, or else treated those who were admitted to his presence with harshness and insolence. He kept an embassy of the Athenians, whom he respected beyond all other Greeks, waiting for two years for an audience; and when o

es. As he received them all and placed them in the folds of his cloak, the petitioners were greatly delighted, and accompanied him; but when he came to the bridge over the Axius, he emptied them all out of his cloak into the riv

ustice to his subjects. As Timotheus the poet has it, Ares is a despot, but Pindar tells us that law is lord of all. Homer also says that kings have been entrusted by Zeus, not with City-takers or brazen-bound ships, but with justice, which they must keep and respect; and that Zeus does not love the most warlike or the most unjust of kings, but the most righteous, and calls him his

eight thousand foot soldiers and nearly twelve thousand horse, while at Peir?us, Corinth, Chalkis, and the ports near Pella he was engaged in the construction of a fleet of five hundred ships. He himself personally superintended the works, visiting each dockyard and giving directions to the artificers; and all men were astounded not only at the number, but at the size of the vessels which were being built. Before his time no one had ever seen a ship of fifteen or sixteen banks of oars, although in later times Ptolemy Philopator built a ship of forty banks of oars, which measured two hundre

end to all discipline, for the camp was full of tears and lamentations, and abuse of Demetrius. The men no longer cared to remain with him, but became eager to go away, nominally to their homes, but really to desert to Lysimachus. Demetrius upon this determined to place the greatest possible distance between Lysimachus and himself, and accordingly marched to attack Pyrrhus; reasoning that Lysimachus was a native of Macedonia, and was popular with many of the Macedonians because he had been a companion of Alexander, while he thought that the Macedonians would not prefer a foreigner like Pyrrhus to himself. However, in this expectation he was greatly deceived: for as soon as he encamped near Pyrrhus, his soldiers had a constant opportunity of admiring his personal prowess in battle, and they had from the most ancient times been accustomed to think that the best warrior is the best king. When besides this they learned how leniently Pyrrhus had dealt with the captives, as they had long been determined to transfer their allegiance from

having been a king. Despairing of ever seeing better days, and bitterly reflecting how far her husband's good luck was outweighed by his misfortunes, she ended her life by poison. Now D

rling on the

nges, like the

s her form two

mes with flatte

rb; but when sh

n, and loses a

then burst forth again as brilliant as ever, as little by little his power increased until he was able to carry out his plans. At first he visited the various cities o

, but dressed

re the springs

ey erased the name of Diphilus, who was inscribed upon the rolls as "priest of the Saviours,"320 and decreed that archons should be elected after their ancestral custom; and they also sent to Macedonia to invite Pyrrhus

us married her, and immediately after the wedding betook himself to gaining over the cities of Ionia, some of which joined him of their own accord, while others were forced to yield to his arms. He also captured Sardis, and several of the officers of Lysimachus deserted to him, bringing him both soldiers and money. When, however, Lysimachus's son Agathokles came to attack him with a large force, he withdrew into Phrygia, meaning if possible to gain possession of Armenia, stir up Media to revolt, and make himself master of the provinces in the interior, among which a fugitive could easily find an abundance

igonus, the b

his, at which w

lative to take pity on one who had suffered enough to make even his enemies feel compassion for him. Seleukus seems to have been touched by this appeal. He wrote to his generals, ordering them to show Demetrius the respect due to royalty, and to supply his troops with provisions; but now Patrokles, who was thought to be a man of great wisdom, and who was a friend of Seleukus, pointed out to him that the expense of feeding the troops of Demetrius was not a matter of great importance, but that it was a grievous error to allow Demetrius himself to remain in his territory. He reminded him that Demetrius had always been the most turbulent and enterprising of princes, and that he was now

ay the garrison of one of the passes, and gained the command of the road to Syria. He now became elated by success, and perceiving that his soldiers had recovered their confidence, he determined to fight Seleukus for his kingdom. Seleukus himself was now in difficulties. He had refused Lysimachus's offer of assistance, through suspicion, and he feared to engage with Demetrius in battle, dreading the effects of his despair and the sudden turns of his fortune. However, at this crisis Demetrius was seized

trius, showing himself to them and inviting them to join him. They knew that he had for a long time refrained from attacking them out of a wish to spare their lives, and not for the sake of Demetrius; and they all greeted him, saluted him as King, and joined his army. Demetrius, who had seen so many turns of good and ill fortune, felt that this blow was final. He fled towards the pass of Amanus, and with a few friends and attendants took refuge in a thick wood for the night, hoping to be able to gain the road to Kaunus and so to reach the sea, where he hoped to find his fleet assembled. But when he found that his party had not enough money to procure them provisions even for one day, he was forced to adopt other plans. Soon, however, he was joined by Sosigenes,

ter part of his followers, eagerly flocked to pay their court to Demetrius, who they imagined would become the second man in the kingdom. This ill-judged zeal of theirs turned the compassion of Seleukus into jealousy, and enabled mischief-makers to defeat his kindly intentions by warning him that as soon as Demetrius was seen in his camp all his troops would rise in mutiny against him. Apollonides had just reached Demetrius in high spirits, and others were arriving with wonderful stories about the goodness of Seleukus. Demetrius himself was just recovering his spirits after his disaster, was beginning to think that he had been wrong in his reluctance to surrender himself, and was full of hope for th

his father's capture, put on mourning, and sent letters to all the other kings, and to Seleukus himself, begging for his father's liberation. He offered to give up all the places which he still held, and even proposed to surrender himself as a hostage in place of his father. Many cities and princes supported his request, except Lysimachus, who offered to give Seleuk

s wished to lead, and that he had caused great suffering both to himself and to others by fighting by sea and land in order to obtain that comfort which he had now unexpectedly discovered in repose and quiet. What, indeed, is the object of the wars and dangers which bad kings endure, in their folly, unless it be this? although they not only strive after luxury and pleasure, instead of virtue and honour, but do not even understand in what real luxury a

surrounded by-armed soldiers of the king's body-guard. Near it was seated the celebrated flute-player Xenophantus, playing a sacred hymn; and the measured dip of the oars, keeping time to the music, sounded like the refrain of a dirge. The crowds who thronged the sea-shore were especially touched by the sight of Antigonus himself, towed down with grief and with his eyes full of tears. After due honours had been paid to the relics at Corinth, he finally deposited them, in the city of Demetrias, which was named after his father, and which had been formed by amalgamating the small villages in the neighbourhood of Iolkos. Dem

OF AN

nce. He had no large property and for this reason he was prevented by his wife from indulging his generous disposition. On one occasion when an intimate friend came to him who was in want of money, and Antonius had none, he ordered a young slave to put some water into a silver vessel and to bring it; and when it was brought, he moistened his

prived of interment. Antonius was of distinguished appearance in his youth, but his friendship and intimacy with Curio326 fell upon him, as they say, like some pestilence, for Curio himself was intemperate in his pleasures, and he hurried Antonius, in order to make him more manageable, into drinking and the company of women and extravagant and licentious expenditure. All this brought on him a heavy debt, and out of all bounds for his age, of two hundred and fifty talents. Curio became security for all this, and when his father heard of it he banished Antonius from the house. Antonius for a short time mixed h

what afraid of the war, though he was hugely taken with the ten thousand talents; but Antonius, who was eager after great exploits and wished to gratify the request of Ptolem?us, persuaded Gabinius and urged him to the expedition. They feared more than the war the march to Pelusium, which was through deep sand where there was no water along the Ecregma330 and the Serbonian marsh, which the Egyptians call the blasts of Typhon331, but which really appears to be left behind by the Red Sea332 and to be caused by the filtration of the waters at the part where it is separated by the narrowest part of the isthmus from the internal sea. Antonius being sent with the cavalry not only occupied the straits, but taking Pelusium also, a large city, and the soldiers in it, he at the same time made the road safe for the army and gave the general sure hopes of victory. Even his enemies reaped advantage from his l

s, that which appeared to others to be offensive, his great boasting and jesting and display of his cups, and his sitting by the soldiers when they were eating, and his eating himself as he stood by the soldiers' table-it is wonderful how much affection and attachment for him it bred in the soldiers. His amorous propensities, too, had in them something that was not without a charm, but even by these he won the favour of many, helping them in their love affairs and submitting to be joked with good humour about his own amours. His liberality and his habit of gratifying the soldiers and his friends in nothing with a stinted or sparing hand, both gave him a brill

posed him by proposing an order, that the collected force should sail to Syria and assist Bibulus, who was warring with the Parthians, and that the troops which Pompeius was levying should not pay any regard to him: and, in the second place, when the Senate would not receive C?sar's letters, nor allow them to be read, Antonius, whose office gave him power, did read them, and he changed the disposition of many, who judged from C?sar's letters that he only asked what was just and reasonable. Finally, when two questions were proposed in the Senate, of which one was, whether Pompeius should disband his troops, and the other, whether C?sar should do it, and there were a few in favour of Pompeius laying down his arms, and all but a few were for C?sar doing so, Antonius arose and put the question, Whether the Senate was

ting a pretext. He was led to war against the whole world, as Alexander before him and Cyrus of old had been, by an insatiable love of power and a frantic passion to be first and greatest: and this he could not obtain, if Pompeius was not put down. He came then and got possession of Rome, and drove Pompeius out of Italy; and determining to turn first against the forces of Pompeius in Iberia, and then, when he had got ready a fleet, to cross over to attack Pompeius, he entrusted Rome to Lepidus, who was pr?tor, and the forces and Italy to Antonius, who was tribune. Antonius forthwith gained the favour

way about; but Antonius being alarmed for C?sar, who was hemmed in by many enemies, repulsed Libo,341 who was blockading the mouth of the harbour, by surrounding his gallies with many light boats, and embarking in his vessels eight thousand legionary soldiers he set sail. Being discovered by the enemy and pursued, he escaped all danger from them in consequence of a strong south wind bringing a great swell and tempestuous sea upon his gallies; but as he was carried in his ships towards precipices and cliffs with dee

e after C?sar. And C?sar showed what opinion he had of him; for when he was going to fight the last battle and that which decided everything at Pharsalus,342 he had the right wing himself, but he gave the command of the left to Antonius as being the most skilful and bravest officer that he had. After the battle C?sar was proclaimed dict

, came upon him and joining battle killed some of the men of Dolabella and lost some of his own. This brought on Antonius the hatred of the many, and he was not liked by the honest and sober on account of his habits of life, as Cicero says, but was detested; for people were disgusted at his drunkenness at unseasonable hours, and his heavy expenditure, and his intercourse with women, and his sleeping by day, and walking about with head confused and loaded with drink, and by night his revellings and theatres and his presence at the nuptials of mimi and jesters. It is said indeed that after being present at the entertainment on the marriage of Hippias the mime, and drinking all night, when the people summoned him early in the morning to the Forum, he came there still full of food and vomited, and one of his friends placed his vest under to serve h

join C?sar in his Libyan expedition, having had no reward for his former successes. However C?sar is considered to have cured him of the chief part of his folly and extravagance by not allowing his excesses to pass unnoticed. For he gave up that course of life and turned his thoughts to wedlock, taking for his wife Fulvia, who had been the wife of the demagogue Clodius, a woman who troubled herself not about domestic industry or housekeeping, nor one w

hat he brought a letter from Antonius to Fulvia, he was introduced to her wrapped up in his dress. Fulvia, who was in a state of anxiety, asked, before she took the letter, whether Antonius was alive;

immediately chose Antonius for his colleague, and it was his design to abdicate the consulship and give it to Dolabella; and this he proposed to the Senate. But as Antonius violently opposed this, and vented much abuse of Dolabella and received as much in return, C?sar, being ashamed of these unseemly proceedings, went away. Afterwards when he came to proclaim Dolabella, upon Antonius calling out that the birds were o

diadem he ran to the Rostra, and being raised up by his companions in the race he placed it on C?sar's head, intimating that he ought to be King. But as C?sar affected to refuse it and put his head aside, the people were pleased and clapped their hands; then Antonius again offered the crown, and C?sar again rejected it. This contest went on for some time, only a few of the friends of Antonius encouraging him in his pressing the offer, but all the people shouted and clapped when C?sar refused; which indeed was s

his disposition in a quiet way and with caution, and he said that Antonius understood him, though he did not respond to the proposal, nor yet did he report it to C?sar, but faithfully kept the words secret. Upon this they again deliberated whether they should kill Antonius after they had killed C?sar; but Brutus opposed this, urging that the act which was adventured in defence of the laws and

alter anything that had been done by C?sar.349 Antonius went out of the Senate the most distinguished of men, being considered to have prevented a civil war and to have managed most prudently and in a most statesmanlike manner circumstances which involved difficulties and no ordinary causes of confusion. But from such considerations as these he was soon disturbed by the opinion that he derived from the multitude, that he would certainly be the first man in Rome, if Brutus were put down. Now it happened that when C?sar's corpse was carried forth, as the custom was, he pronounced an oration ov

there were entries made of what he had determined and decreed; and Antonius inserting entries in them, named many to offices just as he pleased, and many he named senators, and he restored some who were in exile and released others who were in prison, as if C?sar had determined all this. Wherefore the Romans by

n of C?sar, which was a burden too great for him to bear; but as C?sar did not yield to these arguments and demanded the money, Antonius went on saying and doing many things to insult him. For he opposed him in seeking a tribuneship, and when he was preparing to set up a golden chair of his father, as it had been voted by the Senate, he threatened to carry him off to prison, if he did not stop his attempts to win the popular favour. But when the youth, by giving himself up to Cicero and the rest who hated Antonius, by means of them made the Senate his friends, and he himself got the favour of the people and mustered th

ed the enemy, but fell themselves. Many great difficulties befell Antonius in his flight; but the greatest was famine. But it was the nature of Antonius to show his best qualities in difficulties, and in his misfortune he was as like as may be to a good man; for it is common to those who are hard pressed by straits to perceive what virtue is, but all have not strength enough in reverses to imitate what they admire and to avoid what they do not a

to try a bold stroke. Antonius had neglected his hair and he had allowed his beard to grow long immediately after his defeat; and putting on a dark garment he approached the lines of Lepidus and began to speak. As many of the soldiers were moved at the sight and affected by his words, Lepidus

epidus stretching out their hands to him and tearing down the ramparts. When he had entered and made himself master of all, he approached Lepidus with the greatest kindness, for he embraced him and called him father; and in fact he was master of all, but he continued to preserve to Lepidus the name and honour of an Imperator. This caused also Planc

and they distributed the empire358 among them as if it were a paternal inheritance, but the discussion about the men who were destined to perish caused them most trouble, each claiming to get rid of his enemies and to save his relations. But at length surrendering to their passion against thos

an this exchange; for by exchanging murder for murder they equally destroyed those whom they surrendered and those whom the

ight hand, with which Cicero wrote the speeches against him. When they were brought, Antonius looked on them with delight and broke out a laughing several times through joy; then being satiated with the sight he ordered them to be placed above the Rostra in the Forum, as if he were insulting the dead, and not showing his own arrogance in his good fortune and abusing his power. Hi

, a man no less admired for his temperance and his orderly and citizenlike mode of life than for his three triumphs. For they were vexed to see his house generally closed to commanders, magistrates and ambassadors, who were insolently thrust from the doors, while it was filled with mimi and jugglers and drunken flatterers, upon whom was expended most of the money which was got by the most violent and harsh means. For the three not only sold the substance of those

h some have written that Antonius was not in the battle, but came up after the battle to join in the pursuit. Pindarus, one of the faithful freedmen of Cassius, killed him at his request and order, for Cassius did not know that Brutus was victorious. After an interval of a few days they fought a second battle, in which Brutus being defeated killed himself, and Antonius carried off the chief credit of the victory, inasmuch as C?sar was sick. Standing over the corpse of Brutus he upbraided it gently for the death of his brother Caius,363 f

he Greeks his conduct was neither unusual nor oppressive at first, but his love of amusement led him to listen to the discourses of the learned and to the sight of games and religious solemnities; and in his decisions he was equitable, and was delighted at being called a Philhellen, but still more in being addressed as Philathen?us; and he made rich gifts to the city. The people of

vour, and while C?sar at Rome was worn out with civil commotions and war, he enjoying perfect leisure and tranquillity was carried back by his passions to his usual habits of life, and Anaxenor366 a lute-player and Xuthus a piper and Metrodorus a dancer, and other such rout of Asiatic thea

'twas filled a

re not ill adapted to flatter370 the vanity of Antonius, "If thou canst take contributions twice in one year, thou canst also make for us summer twice and harvest-time twice;" but he concluded with these practical and bold words, that Asia had given twenty ten thousands of talents; and "if thou hast not had them, demand them of those who have received the money; but if thou hast received and hast them not, we are undone." By these words he made a strong impression on Antonius, for he was ignorant of the greater part of what was going on; and not so much because he was indolent, as because in his simplicity he trusted those about him. For there was in his character simplicity and slow perception; but when he did perceive his errors, there was strong repentance, and acknowledgment to those who had been wronged, and excess both in the restitution that he made and the punishment t

ho was sent, observing her person and marking her cleverness in speaking and her versatility, soon perceived that Antonius would never even think of doing such a woman any harm, but that she would have the greatest influence with him; and he applied himself to paying his court to her, and he encouraged the Egyptian, in the words of Homer,372 to go to Cilicia bedecked in her best fashion and not to be afraid of Antonius, who was the most pleasant and kindest of generals. Being persuaded by Dellius, and collecting from the proofs of her charms upon Caius C?sar and Cn?us

ss of Nereids and Graces, were stationed some at the rudders and others at the ropes. And odours of wondrous kind from much incense filled the banks. Some of the people accompanied her immediately from the entrance of the river on both sides, and others went down from the city to see the sight. As the crowd from the Agora also poured forth, Antonius was finally left on the tribunal sitting alone. A rumour went abroad that Venus was coming to revel with Bacchus for the good of Asia. Now Antonius sent to invite Cleopatra to supper, but sh

was not in itself altogether incomparable nor such as to strike those who saw her; but familiarity with her had an irresistible charm, and her form, combined with her persuasive speech and with the peculiar character which in a manner was diffused about her behaviour, produced a certain piquancy. There was a sweetness also in the sound of her voice when she spoke; and as she could easily turn her tongue, like a many-stringed instrument, to

e, and eight wild boars roasting, which made him wonder at the number of the guests. Hereupon the cook laughed and said, the party at supper was not large, only about twelve; but it was necessary that everything which was served up should be in perfection, which a moment of time would spoil. He said it might happen that Antonius should wish to sup immediately, and if it so happened, he might defer it by asking for a cup or by falling into some conversation; and accordingly, he continued, not one supper is prepared, but many, for the exact time is difficult to conjecture. This is what Philotas used to tell; and in the course of time, as he related, he was among those who attended on the eldest son of Antonius, whom he had by Fulvia, and he supped with him with the rest of his companions, as a general rule, when he did not sup with his father. On one occasion there was a physician present who was bragging greatly and much annoying the company at supper, but Philotas stopped him by a sophism of this kind: "If a man has fever in some degree, we must give him col

n home always well loaded with coarse abuse and sometimes with blows. With the greater part he was in no good credit; however the Alexandrines took delight in his extravagances, and joined in his follies without any lack of cleverness or humour, being pleased therewith and saying that Antonius put on the tragic mask to the Romans, but the comic mask to them. Now to relate the greater part of his follies would be mere trifling. However on one occasion when he was fishing and was vexed at his bad sport, Cleopatra also being present, he ordered the fisherman to dive under the water and secretly to fasten to the hook some fishes that had been already ca

me, that Lucius his brother and Fulvia his wife, having first been at variance with one another and then having warred with C?sar, were completely de

r, for she was naturally a busy and bold woman; but her hope was to draw away Antonius from Cleopatra, if their should be any disturbance in Italy. It happened that Fulvia, who was sailing to meet him, died at Sikyon of some disease, which rendered a reconciliation with C?sar more easy. For when Antonius approached Italy, and C?sar was evidently not intending to make any charge against him, and Antonius was ready to fix on Fu

g been dead. As Fulvia was dead, Antonius also was considered to be a widower; he did not deny that he had Cleopatra, but he did not admit that he had her as a wife, and he was still struggling in his judgment on this point against his love for the Egyptian. Everybody was proposing this marriage in the hope that Octavia, who in addition to great beauty possessed dignity of character and good sense, if she were united

ave Sardinia and Sicily on condition of keeping the sea clear of pirates and sending to Rome a certain quantity of grain, they invited one another to an entertainment. They cast lots on the occasion, and it was the lot of Pompeius to feast them first. Upon Antonius asking him where they should sup, "There," said he, pointing to the commander's ship of six banks of oars, "for this is all the paternal residence that is left for Pompeius." This he said to reproach Antonius, who had the house that had belonged to the father of Sextus. Fixing his ship at anchor and making a kind of bridge from the promontory, he received th

hat of C?sar, and he advised him to remove as far as possible from the young man: "For thy d?mon," he said, "is afraid of the d?mon of C?sar, and though it is proud and erect when it is by itself, it is humbled by his d?mon when it is near, and becomes cowed." And indeed the things which were happening seemed to confirm the Egyptian; for it is said that when they were casting lots by way of amusement, in whatever they might happen to be engaged, and throwing dice, Antonius came off with disadvantage. They frequently matched cocks,384 and fighting quails, and those of C?sar were always victorious. Whereat Antonius being annoyed, though he did not show it, and paying more regard to the Egyptian,

and brought them into subjection, and besieged Antiochus of Commagene389 in the city Samosata. The king proposed to pay a thousand talents and to obey the order of Antonius, but Ventidius told him to send his proposal to Antonius; for he had now advanced near, and he would not allow Ventidius to make peace with Antiochus, because he wished that this single exploit at least should bear his name, and that everything should not be accomplished by Ventidius. As, however, the siege was protracted, and the citizens, after despairing of coming to terms, betook themselves to a vigorous defence, Antonius, who was making no progress, but was ashamed and repented of his conduct, was glad to make peace with Antiochus and to take three hundred talents; and after settling some trifling matters in Syria, he re

l men turned their eyes upon her, who was the wife of one Imperator and the sister of another; "but if the worse should prevail," she continued, "and there should be war, it is uncertain which of you must be the victor and which the vanquished; but I shall be unfortunate both ways." C?sar, being moved by these words, came in a friendly manner to Tarentum, and those who were present saw a most noble spectacle, a large army on land tranquil, and many ships quietly holding on the shore, and the meeting and friendly salutations of the two Imperators and their friends. Antonius gave an entertainment fi

sam, and all the part, of Arabia Nabath?a which was turned towards the external sea.397 These donations caused the Romans the greatest vexation; though he gave tetrarchies and kingdoms of great nations to many private persons, and took kingdoms from many, as for instance Antigonus398 the Jew, whom he brought out and beheaded, though no king before had been punished in this way. But the scandal of the thing was that which gave more offence than all the honours conferred on Cleopatra. The evil report was increased by his acknowledging his twin children by Cleopatra, one of whom he called Alexander and the ot

but claiming the restoration of the standards taken in the time of Crassus and such of the prisoners as still survived. Antonius having sent Cleopatra back to Egypt, marched through Arabia403 and Armenia to a place where he reviewed his army, which had assembled there, and also the troops of the confederate kings; and they were many, but the greatest of all was Artavasdes,404 king of Armenia, who supplied six thousand horse and seven thousand foot soldiers. There were of the Romans sixty thousand foot soldiers, and the cavalry which was classed with the Romans was ten thousand Iberians405 and Celts; an

among them was a ram eighty feet long; and it was not possible for any one of them, if it was damaged, to be repaired when it was wanted, because the upper country only produced wood of insufficient length and hardness: accordingly in his hurry he left all the engines behind as encumbrances to his speed, after appointing a watch and Statianus as commander over the waggons; and he commenced the siege of Phraata,407 a large city, in which were the children and wives of the king of Media. But the difficulties soon proved what an error he had c

e barbarians, which was in the form of a crescent, having given orders, as soon as the first ranks of the enemy should be within reach of the heavy-armed soldiers, for the cavalry to ride at them. To the Parthians who stood opposed to the Romans, their discipline appeared to be something indescribable; and they observed the Romans as they marched past at equal intervals without disorder and in silence, brandishing their spears. But when the standard was raised and the cavalry facing about rushed upon the enemy, the Parthians received their onset and repelled it, though the Romans were all at once too close to allow them to use their arrows; but when the heavy-armed soldiers joined in the conflict at the same time with shouts and the clatter of arms, the Parthian horses were frightened and gave way and the Parthians fled before they came to close quarters. Antonius pressed on the pursuit, and had great hopes that he had finished the whole war or the chief part in that battle. But when the infantry had followed up the pursuit for fifty stadia and the cavalry f

mired by their king. After this, riding up nearer to them, and quietly placing their horses near the Romans, they would abuse Antonius, saying that though Phraates wished to come to terms and to spare so many brave men, Antonius would not give him the opportunity, but sat there awaiting those dangerous and powerful enemies, hunger and winter, from whom it would be difficult for them to escape, even under convoy of the Parthians. Many persons reported this to Antonius, and though he was softened by hope, still he did not send heralds to the Parthians until he inquired from the barbarians who assumed this friendly demeanour, whether what they said really expressed the king's meaning. On their saying that it was so, and urging him not to fear or distrust, he sent some of his companions to demand back the standards and the captiv

uce, yet as he approved of the shorter road, and the line of march being along inhabited villages, he asked the Mardian for a pledge of his fidelity. The Mardian offered himself to be put in chains until he should place the army in Armenia; and he was put in chains, and he conducted them for two days without their meeting with any opposition. On the third day, when Antonius had completely ceased to think of the Parthians, and was advancing in a careless way by reason of his confidence, the Mardian observed that an embankment against the overflowing of a river had been recently broken, and that the stream was flowing in a great current on the road by which they had to pass, and he knew that the Parthians had done this with the intention of making the river an obstacle to the Roman march by the di

van, in the expectation of having great success. Antonius gave him the troops, and when the enemy made his attack, he fell upon them, not as on former occasions, at the same time withdrawing towards the heavy-armed soldiers and retreating, but resisting them and engaging with the enemy in a desperate way. The commanders of the rear seeing that he was being separated from them, sent and called him back, but he would not listen to them. They say that Titius the qu?stor, seizing the standards, turned them round and abused Gallus for throwing away the lives of many brave men. But as Gallus abused him in turn, and urged those about him to remain, Titius retreated. While Gallus was pushing forwards against the enemy in front, a large body of th

hem, calling him Imperator, and saying that they were all secure if he was only safe. For altogether it seems that no Imperator of that age got together an army more distinguished by courage or endurance or strength; but the respect towards the commander himself, and the obedience combined with affection, and the circumstance that all alike, those of good reputation, those of bad, commanders, private soldiers, preferred honour and favour from Antonius to the

t even those who were always placed around himself, as to certain and secure success; for the king himself was never present in any battle. But Antonius, wishing to harangue the soldiers, asked for a dark garment that he might appear more piteous. But as his friends opposed him, he came forward in the purple dress of a general and addressed the troops, praising those who had been victorious, and upbraiding those who had fled. The former

inst the arrows, which thus glance off. But the Parthians, who thought that the Romans bending on one knee was a sign of exhaustion and fatigue, laid aside their bows, and grasping their spears by the middle, came to close quarters. But the Romans with one shout all at once sprang up, and pushing with their javelins which they held in their hands, killed the foremost and put all the rest to flight. This took place also on the following days, the Romans making only small way. Famine also attacked the army, which could get little grain and that with fighting, and they had few implements for grinding; for the greater part were left behind, owing to some of the beasts dying, and others being employed in carrying the sick and wounded. It is said that an Attic ch?nix418 of wheat was sold for fifty drachm?; and they sold barley loaves for their weight in silver. Then they betook themselves to vegetables and root

re again of good cheer; and Antonius hearing this resolved to keep nearer to the plains, as the road through the mountains was said to be waterless. While he was intending to do this, there came to the camp a man from the enemy, named Mithridates, a cousin of Mon?ses, of him who had been with Antonius and had received the three cities as a present. And he asked for some one to come near to him who could speak the Parthian or the Syrian language. Alexander of Antioch came to him, and he was an intimate friend of Antonius, whereupon Mithridates, saying who he was, and intimating that they must thank

carried them, and others took it in skins. As soon as Antonius began to advance, the Parthians had intelligence of it, and contrary to their custom they commenced the pursuit while it was still night. Just as the sun was rising, they came up with the rear, which was in weak condition through want of sleep and fatigue: for they had accomplished two hundred and forty stadia in the night; and the enemy coming upon them so suddenly when they did not expect it, dispirited them. The contest increased their thirst, for they still advanced while they were defending themselves. Those who were in the first ranks, as they were marching onwards, came to a river,420 the water of which was cool and pellu

ght of all others the most painful and frightful to themselves. For they killed and plundered those who had silver or gold, and took the things that were carried by the beasts; and finally falling upon the baggage of Antonius, they cut in pieces and divided among them cups and costly tables, there being great disturbance and confusion through the whole army; for they thought that the enemy had fallen upon them and that flight and dispersion had ensued, Antonius called one of the freedmen, who was on his guard, named Rhamnus, and bound him by oath when he gave him the order, to push his sword through him and to cut off his head, that he might neither be

weak first. Those who were fighting were now relieved from apprehension, and had the opportunity of drinking; for when the Parthians saw the river, they unstrung their bows and bade the Romans pass over in confidence, with great encomiums on their valour. Accordingly, they crossed, and recruited themselves quietly; and then they marched forwards, but yet not with full confidence in the Parthians. On the sixth day after the last battle they reached the river Araxes,421 which is the boundary between Media and Armenia. It appeare

the sixteen thousand horsemen whom he drew out of Media had been present, who were equipped like the Parthians, and were accustomed to fight against them, and if, while the Romans put to flight the fighting enemy, they had overtaken the fugitives, it would not have been in their power after a defeat to recover themselves and venture again so often. All the army accordingly in passion endeavoured to incite Antonius to punish the Armenian. But Antonius upon considerations of prudence neither reproached him for his treach

ytus and Sidon, called "White village"; and as she was slow in coming, he became uneasy and restless, soon giving himself up to drinking and intoxication, but yet being unable to continue at table; for while his companions were drinking he would rise and often spring up to lo

ius, and proffered to join him in a war with his own forces. Antonius accordingly being put in great hope-for the only thing as he thought which had been the cause of his failing to subdue the Parthians, his having gone against them without many horsemen and b

such as she merited and was just. But Cleopatra, seeing that Octavia was entering into a contest with her, and fearing that if to the dignity of her behaviour and the power of C?sar she added the pleasure of social intercourse and attention to Antonius, she would be invincible and get complete mastery over her husband, pretended to be desperately in love with Antonius, and she wasted her body by spare diet; and she put on the expression of strong passion when he approached her, and of sorrow and depression when he went away. She also contrived to be often seen in tears, which she would all at once wipe away and affect to conceal, as if she did not wish Antonius to observe it. She practised these arts while Antonius was preparing for his expedition from Syria against the Mede.426 Flatterers, too, who were busy in her behalf, abused Antonius as a hard and unfeeling man, who was causing the death of a

and assisted them in obtaining from C?sar what they wanted. She thus unintentionally damaged Antonius, for he was hated for wronging such a woman. He was also hated for the division which he made among his children at Alexandria, which appeared to be tragical427 and arrogant, and to show hatred of the Romans. For he filled the gymnasium with a crowd, and caused to be placed on a tribunal of silver two thrones of gold, one for himself, and the other for Cleopatra, and for the children other thrones which were lower; and first of all he declared Cleopatra Queen of Egypt and Cyprus and Libya and C?le Syria, with C?sarion as co-regent, who was believed to be the son of the former C?sar, who left Cleopatra pregnant; in the next place he proclaimed his sons and Cleopatra's to be Kings o

ships from him for the war and had kept them; third, that after ejecting his colleague Lepidus from his authority and degrading him, C?sar kept the army and territory and revenues that were assigned to Lepidus;429 and, finally, that he had distributed nearly all Italy in allotments among his own soldiers, and had left nothing for the soldiers of Antonius. To these charges C?sar replied, that he

ust for a woman to be kept away from the war, who supplied so many large contributions, nor was it to the interest of Antonius to dispirit the Egyptians, who composed a large part of the naval force; and besides this, he did not see to which of the kings who joined the expedition Cleopatra was inferior in understanding, she who for a long time by herself had governed so large a kingdom, and had long enjoyed his company, and had learned to manage great affairs. These arguments prevailed, for it was fated that all the power should come into C?sar's hands; and after the forces had come together, they sailed to Samos and enjoyed themselves there. For as orders had been given to kings and rulers and tetrarchs and nations and

ality. The Athenians after voting to her honorable distinctions, sent a deputation to her residence to carry the record of the vote, and Antonius was one of them, as being an Athenian citizen; and coming before her he went through an harangue on behalf of the city. He sent persons to Rome to eject Octavia from his house; and it is said that when she left it, she took all t

opposition to her joining the expedition, escaped to C?sar, and they gave him information about the will of Antonius, as they were acquainted with the contents of it. The will was placed with the Vestal Virgins,434 and when C?sar asked for it, they would not give it to him, but they told him, if he wished to have it, to come and take it himself. And he did go and take it; and first of all he read it over by himself, and marked certain passages which furnished ready matter of accusation; in the next place he assembled the Senate and read the will, to the dissatisfaction of the greater part; for they considered it to be altogether unusual and a hard matter for a man to be called to account in his lifetime for what he wished to be done after his death. C?sar dwelt most on that part of the will which related to the interment; for Antonius directed that his body, even if he should die in Rome, should be carried in procession through the Foru

submitted to this and waited for an opportunity of an interview; and when he was told at supper to say what he had come about, he replied that all his communication was to be made when he was sober, except one thing, which he knew whether he was sober or drunk; and it was this, that all would be well if Cleopatra would go off to Egypt. Antonius was irritated at this, but Cleopatra said, "You have done well, Geminius, in having confessed the truth without tortures." After a few days accordingly Geminius made his escape to Rome. The flattere

e the war. Pisaurum,441 a city that had been colonised by Antonius, which was situated near the Adriatic, was swallowed up by the opening of chasms in the earth. From one of the stone statues of Antonius at Alba sweat oozed for many days, and it did not cease, though there were persons who wiped it off. While he was staying at Patr?, the Herakleium was destroyed by lightning; at Athens the Dionysius, one of the figures in the Battle of the Giants,442 was blown down by the winds and carried into the theatre. Now Antonius cla

ppadocia, and Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, and Mithridates of Commagene, and Sadalas of Thrace. These were with him. From Pontus Polemon sent a force, and Malchus from Arabia, and Herodes, the Jew; and besides these, Amyntas, the king of the Lycaonians and Galatians.443 There was also help sent from the king of the Medes. C?sar had two hundred and fifty ships of war, and eighty thousand infantry, and about the same number of horsemen as

yet for the purpose of making a show, but adapted for easy and quick movement and well manned; and he kept his fleet together in Tarentum and Brundusium, and sent to Antonius to ask him not to waste the time, but to come with his forces, and that he would provide his armament with naval stations free from all hindrance, and harbours, and that he would retreat with his land forces a day's journey for a horseman from the sea, until Antonius had safely landed and encamped. Antonius replied in like strain to this bragging language by challenging C?s

if he were repenting after the discovery of his faithlessness and treachery, died immediately. There were also defections among the kings, for Amyntas and Deiotarus went over to C?sar. Now as the navy was in all things unlucky and always too late to give any help, Antonius was again compelled to turn his thoughts to his land forces. Canidius also, who commanded the land forces, changed his opinion at the sight of the danger, and he advised Antonius to send Cleopatra away, and to retreat to Thrace or Macedonia, and then to decide the matter by a battle. For Dicomes, the king of the Get?, promised to help him with a large force; and Canidius urged that there would be no disgrace, if they should give up the sea to C?sar, who had been disciplined in the Sicilian war, but it would be a strange thing if Antonius, who was excellently versed in military operations, should not avail himself of his strength and his resour

wounds, wept as Antonius was passing by, and said; "Imperator, why do you distrust these wounds or this sword and rest your hopes in miserable logs of wood? Let Egyptians and Ph?nicians fight on sea, but give us land, on which we are accustomed to stand and to die or to vanquish our enemies." Without making any reply, but merely by a motion of his hand and t

d he urged the masters of the ships to receive the shock of the enemy with their vessels as if they were quietly at anchor, and to avoid the difficult spots about the entrance of the bay: and C?sar, it is said, while it was still dark, left his tent, and as he was going round to the ships, he met a man driving an ass, who being asked his name and knowing C?sar, replied, "My name is Goodluck, and my ass's name is Victor." For this reason when C?sar afterwards ornamented the place with the beaks of ships, he set up a bronze figure of an ass and a man. After observing the arrangement of the other part of his fleet, he went in a boat to the right wing and was surprised to see the enemy resting quietly in the straits; for the vessels had the ap

same time were engaged about one of the ships of Antonius, and the men fought with light shields and spears and poles and fiery missiles; the soldiers of Antonius assailed them also with catapults from wooden towers. While Agrippa was extending the left wing with a view to surround the enemy, Publicola, being compelled to advance to meet him, was separated from the centre, which fell into confusion, and was also closely engaged with Arruntius. While the sea fight was still undecided and equally favourable to both sides, all at once the sixty ships of Cleopatra were seen raising their sails for the purpose of making off, and flying through the centre of the combatants; for they were stationed behind the large vessels and they caused confusion by making their way through them. The ene

. However Eurykles did not fall upon the ship of Antonius, but he dashed against the other of the admiral-ships (for there were two) with the brazen beak, and made it spin round, and as the ship fell off from its course he took it, and also another ship which contained costly vessels for table use. When this assailant had retired, Antonius, again settling down in the same posture, remained without moving, and, after spending three days at the prow by himself, either because of his passion or that he was ashamed to see Cleopatra, he put in at T?narus.449 Here the women who were in attendance on Cleopatra first of all brought them to speak to one another, and next they persuaded them to sup and sleep together. And already not a few of the transport ships and some of their friends after the defeat began to collect around them; and they brought intelligence of the destruction of the navy, but they supposed that

were not exercised in the reverses of innumerable contests and wars. The soldiers longed and expected to see him, hoping that he would soon show himself from some quarter or other; and they displayed so much fidelity and courage that, even when his flight was well known, they kept together seven days and paid no regard to C?sar's messages to them. But at last, when their general Canidius had stolen away by night and left the camp, being now deserted of all and betrayed by their commanders, they went over to the conqueror. Upon this C?sar450 sailed to Athens, and having come to terms with the Greeks, he distributed the grain that r

kill himself, but he was prevented by his friends and conveyed to Alexandria, where he found Cleopatra contemplating a hazardous and great undertaking. The isthmus which separates the Red Sea from the sea of Egypt455 and is considered to be the boundary between Asia and Libya, in the part where it is most contracted by the sea, and the width is least, is about three hundred stadia across; and here Cleopatra undertook to raise her ships out of the water and to drag them across the neck of land, and so bringing her ships into the Arabian gulf with much money and a large force, to settle beyond the limits of Egypt and to escape from slavery and war. But

Athenians. Apemantus was the only person whom he sometimes allowed to approach him, because he was like himself and imitated his mode of life. On one occasion, during the festival called Choes,459 when the two were feasting together, Apemantus said, "How delightful the entertainment is, Timon;" "Yes, if you were not here," was the reply. It is said that when the Athenians were in public assembly, Timon ascended the bema and called for silence, which raised great expectation on account of the unusual nature of the circumstance: h

load of life r

e: but take my

ring his lifetime; but that which is commonly

nthropist

will't, but on

sar among the young men, and putting on Antyllus, his son by Fulvia,461 the vest without the purple hem, which marked the attainment of full age, on which occasion banquets and revellings and feasts engaged Alexandria for many days. They themselves put an end to that famed company of the Inimitable Livers, and they formed another, not at all inferior to that in refinement and luxury and expense, which they called the company of those who would die together. For the friends of Antonius registered themselves as intending to die together, and they continued enjoying themselves in a succession of banquets. Cleopatra got together all kinds of deadly poisons, and she tried the pa

, was sent on the embassy. For Alexas,463 of Laodiceia, who at Rome had become known to Antonius through Timagenes, and possessed most influence of all the Greeks, who also had been the most active of the instruments of Cleopatra against Antonius, and had overthrown all the reflections which rose in his mind about Octavia, had been sent to King Herodes to keep him

er interviews with Cleopatra than the rest, and being specially honoured, caused Antonius to have suspicions, and he seized and whipped him; and he then sent him back to C?sar with a letter to the effect that Thyrsus, by giving himself airs and by his insolent behaviour, had irritated him, who was easily irritated by reason of his misfortunes. "But you," he said, "if you do not like the thing, have my freedman Hipparchus. Hang him up and whip him, that we may be on equal terms." Upon this Cle

o the temple of Isis, she collected there the most precious of the royal treasures, gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and also a great quantity of fire-wood and tow; so that C?sar, being afraid about the money, lest Cleopatra becoming desperate should destroy and burn the wealth, kept continually forwarding to her hopes of friendly treatment while he was advancing with his army against the city. When C?sar had take

should lie a corpse and should be a nothing. Seeing that his friends shed tears at his words, he said that he would not lead them out to a battle from which he would seek for himself a glorious death rather than safety and victory. During this night, it is said, about the middle thereof, while the city was quiet and depressed through fear and expectation of the future, all at once certain harmonious sounds from all kinds of instruments were heard, and shouts of a crowd wit

Cleopatra, fearing his anger and despair, fled to the tomb and let down the folding doors which were strengthened with bars and bolts; and she sent persons to Antonius to inform him that she was dead. Antonius, believing the intelligence, said to himself, "Why dost thou still delay, Antonius? fortune has taken away the sole remaining excuse for clinging to life." He then entered his chamber, and loosing his body armour and taking it in pieces, he said: "Cleopatra, I am not grieved at being deprived of thee, for I shall soon come to the same place with thee; but I am grieved that I, such an Imperator, am shown to be inferior to a woman in courage." Now Antonius had a faithful slave named Eros, whom he had long before exhorted, if the necessity

t his hands to her, while he was suspended in the air. For the labour was not light for women, and Cleopatra with difficulty, holding with her hands and straining the muscles of her face, pulled up the rope, while those who were below encouraged her and shared in her agony. When she had thus got him in and laid him down, she rent her garments over him, and beating her breasts and scratching them with her hands, and wiping the blood off him with her face, she called him master and husband and Imperator; and she almost forgot her own misfortunes through pity for

ue in command, and his companion in many struggles and affairs. He then took the letters that had passed between him and Antonius, and calling his friends, read them, in order to show in what a reasonable and fair tone he had written himself, and how arrogant and insolent Antonius had always been in his answers. Upon this he sent Procleius with orders, if possible, above all things to secure Cleopatra alive; for he was afraid about the money, and he thought it a great th

e women who were shut up with Cleopatra called out, "Wretched Cleopatra, you are taken alive," on which she turned round, and seeing Procleius, attempted to stab herself, for she happened to have by her side a dagger such as robbers wear: but Procleius, quickly running up to her and holding her with both his hands, said, "You wrong yourself, Cleopatra, and C?sar too by attempting to deprive him of the opportunity of a noble dis

ck and falling down before him, he bade them get up, and he said that he acquitted the people of all blame, first on account of the founder Alexander, second because he admired the beauty and magnitude of the city, and third, to please his friend Areius. Such honour Areius obtained from C?sar, and he got the pardon of many others; and among them was Ph

wise, if wise

ratus, wishing rather to release Areius

he denied the fact, he was convicted of it and crucified. The children of Cleopatra were guarded together with those who had charge of them, and they had a liberal treatment; but as to C?sarion, who was said to be Cleopatra's son by C?sar, her mother sent him to India with much

ain, for her breasts were inflamed by the blows that she had inflicted and were sore, and a fever coming on, she gladly availed herself of this pretext for abstaining from food and with the design of releasing herself from life without hindrance. There was a physician with whom she was familiar, Olympus, to whom she told the truth, and she ha

sar had bid her lie down and had seated himself near her, she began to touch upon a kind of justification, and endeavoured to turn all that had happened upon necessity and fear of Antonius; but as C?sar on each point met her with an answer, being confuted, she all at once changed her manner to move him by pity and by prayers, as a person would do who clung most closely to life. Finally she handed to him a list of all the treasures that she had; and when Seleukus, one of her stewards, declared that she was hiding and secreting some things, she sprang up and laying hold of his hair, belaboured him with many blows on the face. As C?sar smiled and stopped her, she said, "But is

went to the tomb, and embracing the coffin in company with the women who were usually about her, said, "Dear Antonius, I buried thee recently with hands still free, but now I pour out libations as a captive and so watched that I cannot either with blows or sorrow disfigure this body of mine now made a slave and preserved to form a part in the triumph over thee. But expect not other honours or libations, for these are the last which Cleopatra brings. Living, nothing kept us asunder, but there is a risk of our chan

opatra took a tablet, which was already written, and sent it sealed to C?sar, and, causing all the rest of her attendants to withdraw except those two women, she closed the door. As soon as C?sar479 opened the tablet and found in it the prayers and lamentations of Cleopatra, who begged him to bury her with Antonius, he saw what had taken place. At first he was for setting out himself to give help, but the next thing that he did was to send persons with all speed to inquire. But the tragedy had been speedy; for, though they

ch she concealed in her hair; however, no spots broke out on her body, nor any other sign of poison. Nor yet was the reptile seen within the palace; but some said that they observed certain marks of its trail near the sea, in that part towards which the chamber looked and the windows were. Some also say that the arm of Cleopatra was observed to have two small indistinct punctures; and it seems that C?sar believed this, for in the triumph a figure of Cleopatra was carried with the asp clinging to her. Such is the way in which these events are told. Though C?sar was vexed at the death of Cleopatra, he admired her nobleness of mind, an

one of the daughters to Agrippa. But as Marcellus died very soon after his marriage, and it was not easy for C?sar to choose from the rest of his friends a son-in-law whom he could trust, Octavia proposed to him that Agrippa should take C?sar's daughter and put away her daughter. C?sar was first persuaded and then Agrippa, whereupon Octavia took her own daughter back and married her to Antonius; and Agrippa married C?sar's daughter. There were two daughters of Antonius and Octavia, of whom Domitius ?nobarbus took one to wife; and the other, who was famed for her virtues and her beauty, Antonia, was married to

F DEMETRIUS

s in no way connected, and constituted himself the heir of what C?sar had won by the sword. Starting as a mere private person, he raised himself to such a height of power as to be able to divide the world into two, and to select and obtain the fairer half for his own, while, without his being even present, his lieutenants and agents inflicted several defeats upon the Parthians, and conquered all the nations of Asia as far as the Caspian Sea. Even that for which he is especially reproached prov

ntion of depriving his countrymen of their liberty. Demetrius, before he became involved in difficulties, used always to act as a liberator towards Greece, and to drive out the foreign garrisons from her cities, and did not act like Antonius, who boasted that he had slain the would-be liberators of Rome in Macedonia. And though Antonius is especially com

e scented his helmet, nor did he go forth from his bed-chamber to battle covered with finery, but, as Euripides says, he laid the Bacchic wand aside, and served the unhallowed god of war, and, indeed, never suffered any reverse through his own carelessness or love of pleasure. But just as in pictures we often see Omphale stealing the club and stripping off the lion's skin from Herakles, so Cleopatra frequently would disar

is own countrywoman and his legitimate wife to please a foreigner, and one to whom he was not legally married. Yet with all his excesses Antonius was never led by his vices into such sacrilegious impiety as is recorded of Demetrius. We are told that no dogs are allowed to enter the Acropolis,481 because these animals copulate more openly than any others; but Demetrius consorted with harlots in the very temple of the virgin god

d breaking of their words which they both committed, the one in seizing Artabazus, and the other in murdering Alexander, Antonius has a satisfactory defence; for he himself was first deserted and betrayed by Artabazus in Media: while many writers say that Demetrius himself invented false pretexts for his treatment of Alexander, a

ered his army so hostile to him, and the latter for betraying so much loyalty and devotion. In their manner of death neither can be praised, but that of Demetrius seems the less creditable of the two, for he endured to be taken prisoner, and when in confinem

OF

Brutus and Dion, of whom the latter was Plato's intimate friend, while the former was educated by his writings: so that they were both, as it were, sent forth from the same school to contend for the greatest prizes. It is not surprising, therefore, that there should be a great similarity between their respective achievements, or that they should have proved the truth of that maxim of their teacher, that nothing great or noble can be effected in politics except when a wise a

and men who are wandering in their mind through sickness, who through disorder of the brain or distemperature of the body are subject to these vain and ominous fancies, which really arise from the evil spirit of superstition within themselves. If, however, Dion and Brutus, both of whom were serious and philosophic men, not at all liable to be mistaken or easy to be deceived about such matters, did really experience a supernatural visitation so distinctly that they told other persons about it, I do not know whether we may not be obliged to adopt that str

is, and the other a native of Syracuse, named Aristomache, the daughter of Hipparinus, one of the first men in Syracuse, who had acted as colleague with Dionysius himself when he was appointed to the command of the army with unlimited powers. It is said that he married them both upon the same day, and that no man knew which he visited first; and of the remainder of his life he spent an equal share of his time with each, as he always supped in company with bot

ording to human ideas of probability; but it seems as though some divinity, who had long been meditating how to put liberty within the reach of the Syracusans and to free them from despotism, must have brought Plato from Italy to Syracuse, and caused Dion to become his disciple. Dion at this time was very young, but was by far the most apt of Plato's scholars, and the readiest to follow out his master's instructions in virtue. This we learn from Plato's own account of him, and from the circumstances of the case. Brought up as Dion had been in the humble position of a subject under a despotic ruler,

pointed out that the life of the just is happy, and that of the unjust miserable, Dionysius, who considered the lecture as a reproach to himself, was much exasperated, especially when he observed how all the audience admired Plato and wer

f this we are told that Pollis took Plato to ?gina and there sold him, because the people of ?gina were at that time at war with the Athenians, and had passed a decree that any Athenian found in ?gina should be sold for a slave.482 Yet Dion was no less honoured and trusted by Dionysius in consequence of this, but was entrusted with the management of the most important negotiations, and was himself sent as ambassador to Carthage, in which capacity he gained great credit. Indeed he was almost the only person whom Dionysius allowed freely to speak

to the throne, would not allow Dion an opportunity of doing so. Tim?us even states that when Dionysius asked for a sleeping draught they gave him one which rendered him completely insensible, so that he passed from sleep into death. However, as soon as the young Dionysius assembled his friends in council, Dion made such an admirable speech upon the political situation that all the others appeared by his side to be mere children in intellect, and their words seemed to

was chiefly owing to the proud reserve of his life, so different to their own: for they at once began to court the friendship of their young and ill-trained monarch by offering him all kinds of flatteries and pleasures, endeavouring to amuse his leisure by vagrant amours, drinking parties, and the like dissolute pastimes, which blunted the excessive sharpness of his tyranny, and made his subjects regard it as milder and less ferocious than before, although the alteration was due only to the laziness and not to the

osition was naturally inclined to haughtiness, and his manners harsh and forbidding. It was not only to a young man whose ears were accustomed to flatteries that he appeared so ungracious and harsh-tempered, but even those who were sincerely attached to him, and who admired the noble simplicity of his character, used to blame his discourtesy and rudeness towards those with whom he was brought in contact upon political business. Indeed, not long after this, Plato, a

distrustful and suspicious of all men, and was driven by his fears to take such precautions against assassination, that he would not even allow his hair to be cut with a barber's tools, but a workman used to come and singe his hair with a live coal. Neither his brother nor his son was allowed to enter his house in their ordinary dress, but were obliged to take off their clothes and put on others, so that they might be seen naked by the guard. Once when his brother Leptines, describing the situation of some place, took a spear from one of the life-guards and with it drew a map upon the floor, Dionysius was furiously angry

ans he would not only gain great happiness for himself, but would bestow great happiness upon the citizens by his mild and just paternal rule, thus becoming a true king instead of a despot. He pointed out that the "adamantine chains" by which Dionysius's father boasted that his dominion was secured, were not terror and force, the numbers of his ships of war, or the thousands of his barbarian mercenaries, but rather the goodwill, loyalty, and gratitude engen

nfluence for good the whole of the corrupt people of Sicily. The opponents of Dion, who feared the results of any change in the character of Dionysius, prevailed upon him to recall from exile Philistus, a man of intellectual culture and an experienced courtier, in order to make use of him as a counterpoise to Plato and his philosophy. Indeed, Philistus had zealously assisted in the establishment of the despotism, and for a long time had acted as chief of the garrison of the citadel. There was also a report that he had been the favoured lover of the mother of the elder Dionysius, and that, too, not altogether without the knowledge of the despot; for when Leptines, without telling Dionysius of it, g

rakleides. Dion appears to have hoped by the influence of Plato to remove from Dionysius all the arbitrary harshness of a despot, and to make him into an orderly constitutional ruler. If he resisted, and refused to be thus softened and refined, Dion had dete

ing business, all inspired the Syracusans with great hope of a change for the better. It became the fashion to take interest in philosophical matters, and it is said that so many began to study geometry that the palace was filled with the dust in which they drew their figures. In a few days' time a hereditary sacrifice was celebrated in the palace; and when the herald, according to custom, prayed that the despotism

ert his ten thousand life-guards, leave his four hundred ships of war, his ten thousand cavalry and many thousands more of infantry soldiers, in order to seek in the Academy for the ineffable good, and find real pleasure in geometry, leaving the pleasures of power, wealth and luxury to be enjoyed by Dion and Dion's nephews. This led at first to Dion's being regarded with suspicion, and then, when Dionysius began to show his dislike openly, he received a letter which Dion had secretly despatched to the Carthaginian commanders, warning them, when they came to treat for peace with Dionysius, not to conduct the interview without his being present, as he

ng of Dion as though he were not banished, but had left the country of his own free will, for fear that if he remained at home his quick temper might betray him into some violent collision with himself. He placed two ships at the disposal of Dion's relatives, and bade them embark with as much of his property and servants as they pleased and go to rejoin him in Peloponnesus.

ffection and should approve of his acts, and was even willing to entrust the government and the crown itself to him if he would only not prefer Dion's friendship to his own. This passion of his caused great annoyance to Plato, for like all true lovers he was furiously jealous and had frequent quarrels and reconciliations with him, being very eager to hear his discourses, and engage in the study of philosophy, and yet being influenced by those who advised him to keep away from Plato, as he would be corrupted by hi

i as being "good at a jest." When Plato himself exhibited a chorus of boys, Dion both trained the chorus and defrayed all the expenses, and Plato permitted him to gain this distinction although it was likely to obtain popularity for Dion at his own expense. Dion also visited other cities, where he associated with the best and most statesmanlike of the citizens, and attended their solemn festivals, without ever betraying anything repulsive, affected, or imperious in his manner, but acting with manliness and discretion, and discoursing with elegance on philosophy as well as ordinary topics. By this conduct he everywhere gained good opinion

n began to wish for Plato, and blamed himself for not having made use of him when he was present, and for not having listened to all his noble language. Frantic in his desires, and impatient to obtain whatever he wished, as despots are, he at once set his heart upon Plato and tried every means to attract him. He induced Archytas and the other successors of the original Pythagorean philosophers to invite Plato; for it was by means of Plato that Dionysius had at first become their friend. They sent Archedemus to Plato, and Diony

ead Charybdis

o, who would not accept of any. When, however, after the first welcome was over, Plato began to speak of Dion, Dionysius at first put off discussing the subject, and subsequently reproaches and quarrels took place between them, of which no one else was aware, since Dionysius kept them secret, and by showing Plato assiduous attentions and marks of respect tried to win him over from his friendship for Dion. Plato, too, at first would not publish what he knew of the treachery and falsehood of Dionysius, but affected not to perceive it and endured it in silence. While they were on these terms, though they believed that no one knew it, Helikon of Kyzikus, an intimate friend of Plato, foretold an eclipse of the s

nsible for his safety. Dionysius concealed his dislike of Plato by feasting him and treating him kindly on his departure, but could not help saying to him, "I suppose, Plato, you will abuse me terribly to your fellow-philosophers," or something to that effect. At this Plato

that the writer had spoken about the matter to Dion, and that he would certainly be furious if Dionysius attempted anything of the kind. At that time, as there were still great hopes of arranging their quarrel, Dionysius did nothing further, but allowed his sister to remain living with her child by Dion. When, however, they became irreconcilable enemies and Plato, after his second visit, was sent away bitterly disliked by Dionysius, he proceeded to give Arete in marriage, sorely against her will, to one of his friends, named Timokrates, not imitating in this respect the gentle conduct of his father; for the elder Dionysius also had for an enemy Polyxenus the husband of his sister Theste. Polyxenus, fearing for his life, escaped from Syracuse and left Sicily. Upon this Dionysius sent for his sister and blamed her for having known of her husband's

y, begging and encouraging Dion to come, not with ships of war and horse and foot soldiers, but to embark in an open boat, and lend merely his person and his name to the Sicilians in their struggle against Dionysius. Encouraged by these reports, which he received from Speusippus and his friends, Dion secretly levied a force of mercenaries, but not in his own name, and without disclosing his intention. Many statesmen and philosophers assisted him, among the later Eudemus of Cyprus, in whose honour, after his death, Aristotle composed his dialogue upon the soul, and Timonides of Leukas. They brought over to him also Miltas of Thessaly

monarchy, and informing them that he was taking them, not so much as soldiers as in order to use them as leaders for the Syracusans and other peoples of Sicily, who had long been ripe for revolt, and when, after Dion's speech, Alkimenes, one of the expedition, who was one of the most celebrated of the Ach?ans both by birth and merit, spoke to the same effect, they consented to go. The time was midsummer and the Etesian484 winds were blowing over the sea. The moon was at the full. Dion prepared a magnificent sacrifice to Apollo and

archy of Dionysius, whose light was fated to be quenched by them as soon as they arrived at Sicily. This interpretation Miltas told to them all; but when a swarm of bees was seen to settle on the sterns of the ships, he privately told Dion and his friends that he feared lest this might portend that at first they would be very properous, but that after blooming for a short time their prosperity would wither away. It is said, too, that many ominous signs were vouchsafed by Heaven to Dionysius. An eagle snatched up a spear from one of the life-guards, soared aloft with it, and let it fall into the sea; and one day the sea-water which washes the walls of the ci

away, sailed along the coast past Cape Pachynus. Hereupon a violent northerly wind, accompanied by a high sea, drove the ships away from Sicily, while at the rising of Arcturus a storm of thunder and lightning burst upon them with furious rain. At this the sailors became dismayed, and lost their reckoning, but suddenly found that the ships were being carried by the waves towards the rockiest and most precipitous cliffs of the island Kerkina,487 off the coast of Libya. They narrowly escaped being dashed to pieces upon the rocks, but struggled along, keeping themselves off the land with punting-poles,488 until at length the storm abated and they learned from a vessel which they fell in with that they were near what are called the "Heads" of the Great Syrtis. It now fell calm and they became disheartened and quarrelled with one another; but soon an off-shore wind sprang up from the south, though they, not expecting a southerly wind, could scarcely believe in the change. The wind gradually inc

ecruit their strength after the hardships of their long sea voyage, they would not remain there, but in their eagerness to seize this favourable opportunity bade Dion lead them to Syracuse. Dion now left behind his surplus arms and baggage at Minoa, and, begging S

ntime a strange mischance befel the bearer of the letter to Dionysius. He crossed the straits to Italy, passed through the city of Rhegium, and as he hurried on towards Kaulonia, where Dionysius was, he fell in with one of his friends, carrying a newly slaughtered victim. He was given a piece of meat by the man, and went on in haste. He walked some part of the night, but being forced by fatigue to take a little sleep, he lay dow

ates, and went away thither to defend their own property. When news of this reached Dion, who was encamped near Akr?, he aroused his soldiers while it was yet night and marched to the river Anapus, which is ten stadia distant from the city. There he halted and offered sacrifice beside the river, praying to the rising sun, and at the same time the soothsayers declared that the gods would give him the victory. Observing that Dio

to live among the people of the city and report their opinions and conversations to the despot. These men were the first to suffer for their crimes, as they were beaten to death by any of the citizens who fell in with them. Timokrates, unable to reach the

both crowned with garlands. Next marched a hundred of the mercenary soldiers, as a body-guard for Dion, while the rest of the men were led on by their officers in battle array. The entire pro

ilence; and then a herald made proclamation that Dion and Megakles were come to put down the mon

m which they had obtained. The people, in joy and gratitude to them, elected them both generals, with unlimited powers, and at their earnest request chose twenty more as their colleagues, half of whom were taken from the exiles who had returned with Dion. The prophets considered it to be an excellent omen that Dion, while addressing the people, should have trodden under his feet the building which the despot had reared in his pride; but they augured ill from his having been chosen general while standing upo

e negotiations were all a trick of the despot to take the Syracusans at a disadvantage. He imprisoned the commissioners, and at daybreak, having excited his mercenary troops with wine, sent them at a run to attack the Syracusan wall across the isthmus. This attack was unexpected, and the foreign troops boldly and with loud shouts began to destroy the works and to attack the Syracusans. No one could withstand their onset except the mercenaries of Dion, who were the first to hear the noise of the conflict and to rush to the spot. But not even these men could perceive what was to be done or obey their orders, mixed up as they were with noisy crowds of panic-stricken Syracusan fugitives, before Dion, finding that no one heeded his words, and wishing to show by his actions what ought to be done, was the first man to attack the foreigners. Round him a fierce and terrible battle took place, as he was recognised as well by the enemy as by his friends, and all ran towards him with shouts. He was, indeed, somewhat advanced in years to engage in such a furious comba

he was a friend and comrade of Dion. The other letters, those from the women, which were full of piteous supplications, were read aloud to the Syracusans, but they were unwilling that the letter from the child should be opened before them. In spite of their opposition, Dion opened it and read it aloud. It was from Dionysius himself, addressed nominally to Dion, but really to the people of Syracuse, and though in it Dionysius seemed to appeal to Dion and to plead his own cause with him, yet in truth it was conco

man who had gained a great reputation by the commands which he had held in the service of Dionysius and his father, but of an unsettled disposition, fickle and least of all to be relied upon when associated with a colleague in any command of dignity and honour. This man had quarrelled with Dion in Peloponnesus, and determined to make an expedition of his own to attack Dionysius. He now arrived at Syracuse with seven triremes and three other vessels,493 and found Dionysius blockaded in his citadel

onour and right feeling in raising disputes about precedence during so momentous and dangerous a crisis, again assembled the people, appointed Herakleides admiral and prevailed upon the citizens to grant him a body-guard such as that by which he himself was attended. Herakleides now in words and in manner acknowledged Dion as his superior, obeyed his orders with humility, and owned that he owed him a debt of gratitude; but in secret he encouraged the people to revolt against hi

ad been attempted by Dion's mercenaries, and showed his wounded head to the people. He at once gained an audience of sympathisers, who became furious with Dion, and declared that he was acting shamefully and despotically in restraining the freedom of speech of the citizens by threats and murders. However, though a disorderly assembly took place, Dion was able to speak in his own defence, pointing out that a brother of Sosis was one of the guards of Dionysius, and that this man must have persuaded him to rebel and throw the city into confusion, since Dionysius could have no hope of safety except in the dissensions of the besiegers. At the same time the physicians examined the wound of Sosis, and found that it was the result

l seafaring people, whose strength lay in their ships. They were further excited by their success in a sea-fight, in which they defeated Philistus, and treated him with the utmost barbarity. Ephorus states that Philistus killed himself as soon as his ship was captured, but Timonides, who was present with Dion throughout the whole of these events, in a letter which he wrote to the philospher, Speusippus, informs him that Philistus was taken alive from his ship which ran ashore; and that the Syracusans first stripped him of his corslet and displayed him naked, jeering at him, he being then an old man; and that after this they cut off h

ing been in any way personally injured by him, ought to be restrained by feelings of honour and decency from taunting him with his misfortunes, which, indeed, might equally have befallen the best of men Neither does Ephorus show a sound judgment in praising Philistus, for, in spite of his skill in inventing good motives for evil conduct and actions, and the care with which his words are chosen, h

ambassadors. Dionysius now handed over the citadel to Apollokrates, his eldest son, and himself placed what persons and property he chiefly valued on board ship, waited for a fair wind, and then sailed away, eluding the vigilance of the admiral Herakleides. Herakleides was fiercely reproached by the citizens for his neglect, but suborned one of the popular speakers to make proposals to the people for a division of lands, pointing out that equality is the source of freedom, and that poverty reduces men to slavery. Herakleides spoke on the same side, openly opposed Dion

atre. He scattered the people in the greatest confusion and panic, and ran on prancing and causing disorder through all that part of the city which afterwards fell into the hands of the enemy. Nevertheless, the Syracusans disregarded this omen, and elected five-and-twenty generals, one of whom was Herakleides. They also made secret overtures to Dion's mercenaries, inviting them to desert, and offering them equal rights with the other citizens. They, however, would not listen to these proposals, but fa

ople as the wind stirs up the waves of the sea, Dion ordered his troops not to charge them, but to march forward with a shout and martial clash of arms. At this none of the Syracusans stood their ground, but ran away along the streets unpursued; for Dion at once wheeled round his troops and marched away to Leontini. The new chiefs of the Syracusans, ridiculed by the women, and wishing to wipe out their disgrace, now again g

iers justice; to which they replied by sending ambassadors to prefer charges against Dion. When, however, all the allies held a meeting at Leontini and discussed the matter, the Syracusans were held to be

hey really lost the city as well; for Nypsius, observing that discipline was everywhere at an end, as the populace were engaged in drinking to the sound of music from daylight until late at night, and that the generals were delighted at the festivity and were unwilling to summon the drunken men to their duty, seized his opportunity and attacked the Syracusan wall of investment. His attack succeeded; he broke through the works, and at once let loose his fore

e and strength in time of danger, in which he not only remained calm and unmoved, but gave them confidence by his demeanour and caused them fearlessly and bravely to attack their enemies. They therefore at once sent off to him Archonides and Telesides, as representatives of the allies, and Hellanikus, with four others, of the knights. These men rode at full gallop to Leontini, arriving there late in the afternoon. When they dismounted, the first person they met was Dion, and with tears in their eyes they told him of the misfortunes which had befallen the Syracusans. Soon some of the citizens of Leontini fell in with

lames my own funeral pyre. As for you, if you can bring yourselves even now, after all that has passed, to help us, the most ill-advised and the most ill-fated of men, restore again by your own means alone the city of Syracuse. But if you hate the Syracusans and reject their appeal, then may you be rewarded by heaven for your former brave conduct and loyalty to me, and may you remember Dion, who would not desert you when you were wronged, and would not afterwards desert his fellow-countrym

ights and leading citizens entreating him to come quickly. This caused him to march more slowly, yet with greater determination. When day broke, the party opposed to Dion occupied the gates, in order to shut him out of the city, while Nypsius a second time led out the mercenaries from the citadel, in greater numbers and far more confident than before. He at once levelled to the ground the whole of the works by which the citadel was cut off from the main land, and overran and pillaged the city. No longer men alone, but even women and children were slaughtered, and property of every kind mercilessly destroyed; for Dionysius, w

ch Dion to assist them, and to tell him that no one any longer could offer any resistance, that Herakleides himself was wounded, and that the whole city was within a little of being totally ruined and burned. When these messages reached Dion he was still sixty stadia distant from the gates of Syracuse. He explained to his troops the danger the city was in, spoke some words of encouragement to them, and then led them on, no longer at a walk, but at a run, while messenger after messenger continued to meet them a

reets. The enemy, too, presented a formidable appearance, for they were exasperated to fury, and had established themselves in a strong position, hard even to approach, amidst the ruins of the rampart by which the citadel had been cut off from the town; while the progress of the mercenary troops was rendered difficult and dangerous by the flames of the burning houses by which they were surrounded. They were forced to leap over heaps of blazing beams, and to run from under great masses of falling ruins, struggling forwards through thick smoke and choking dust, and yet striving to keep their ranks unbroken. When at lengt

lves upon the mercy of Dion, his friends advised him not to spare such envious and malignant wretches, but to deliver up Herakleides to his soldiers, and thus to put an end to mob rule, an evil quite as pestilent as despotism itself. Dion, however, calmed their anger, observing that other generals spent most of their time in practising war and the use of arms; but that he, during his long sojourn in the Academy, had learned to subdue his passions, and to show himself superior to jealousy of his rivals. True greatness of mind, he said, could be better shown by forgiving those by whom one has been wronged, than by doing good to one's friends and benefactor

absolute commander by land and by sea. All the better citizens approved of this, and wished it to be put to the vote, but it was thrown out by the interference of the mob of sailors and people of the lower classes, who were sorry that Herakleides had lost his post as admiral, and who thought that, although he might be worthless in all other respects, he was at any rate more of a friend to the people than Dion, and more easily managed by them. Dion conceded so much to them as to give Herakleides command of the fleet, but vexed them much by opposing their plans for a redistribution of land and houses, and by declaring void all that they had decided upon this subject. In consequence of this Herakleides, wh

heard that Herakleides had weighed anchor and sailed away to Syracuse with the fleet, with the intention of seizing the city and shutting its gates against Dion and the army. Dion at once took the strongest and bravest men with him, and rode all night, reaching the gates of Syracuse about the third hour of the next day, after a journey of seven hundred stadia. Herakleides, who in spite of the exertions of his fleet was beaten in the race, was at a loss what to do, and sailed away aimlessly. He chanced to fall in with the Spartan G?sylus, who informed him that he was coming from Laced?mon to take command of the Sicilian Greeks, as Gylippus had done in former times. Herakleides was delighted

n of Dionysius despaired of success, arranged terms of capitulation with Dion, handed over the citadel to him together with all the arms and other war material which it contained, and himself, taking his mother and sisters and their property on board of five triremes, sailed away to his father. Dion, permitted him to leave in safety, and his departure was witnessed by every one of the Syracusans, who even called upon the

sister and his child, Aristomache led Arete forward, and said, "Dion, we were unhappy while you were an exile; but now that you have returned and conquered you have taken away our reproach from all but Arete here, whom I have had the misery to see forced to accept another husband while you were yet alive. Now, therefore, since fortune has placed us in your po

to that age. He remained as modest in his dress, his household, and his table, as though he were still the guest of Plato in the Academy, and not living among mercenary soldiers, who recompense themselves for the hardships and dangers of their lives by daily indulgence in sensual pleasures. Plato wrote a letter to him, in which he informed him that the eyes of all the world were fixed upon him; but Plato probably only alluded to one place in one city, namely the Academy, and meant that the critics and judges of Dion therein assembled did not admire his exertions or his victory, but only considered whe

, hoping that their presence would assist him in effecting the reforms which he meditated. Like Plato, he regarded a pure democracy as not being a government at all, but rather a warehouse of all forms of government: and his intention was to establish a constitution, somewhat on the Laced?monian or Cretan model, by a judicious combination of monarchy and oligarchy: and he saw that the government of Corinth was more of an oligarchy than a democracy, and that few important measures were submitted to the people. As Dion expected that Herakleides would most vehemently oppos

deprived of their leader, while he had greater influence than any one else with Dion's mercenary soldiers, Kallippus conceived a scheme of detestable villainy. No doubt he hoped to obtain the whole of Sicily as his reward for murdering Dion, though some writers state that he received a bribe of twenty talents from Dion's personal enemies. He now drew several of the mercenary soldiers into a conspiracy against Dion, conducting his plot in a most ingenious and treacherous manner. He was in the habit of informing Dion of any treasonable speeches, whether true or invented by himself, which he said that he had heard from the merc

the face and dress of a Fury as represented upon the stage, sweeping the house with a kind of broom. He was terribly startled, and became so much alarmed that he sent for his friends, described the vision to them, and besought them to remain with him during the night, as he was beside h

erable, and frequently said that he was willing to die, and would let any man cut his throat, if he were obliged to live amidst constant precautions against his friends as well as his enemies. Kallippus, who perceived that the women had discovered the whole plot, came to them in great alarm, denying that he had any share in it, shedding tears, and offering to give any pledge of his loyalty which they chose to ask for. They demanded that he should swear the great oath, which is as follows:-The person who is about to swear enters the precinct of the temple of Demeter and Persephone, and af

red to strangle him. As, however, they could not accomplish this, they asked for a sword; but no one ventured to open the doors, because within the house were many of Dion's friends, but as each of these imagined that, if he gave up Dion, he himself might get away safe, no one would help him. After some delay, a Syracusan, named Lykon, handed a dagger through a window to the Zakynthians, with which, as if sacri

apture Katana, and in doing so lost Syracuse; upon which he is said to have remarked, that he had lost a city and gained a cheese-scraper. In an attack upon Messenia he lost most of his soldiers, among whom were the murderers of Dion. As no city in Sicily would receive him, but all hated him and attacked him, he proceeded to Rhegium, where, as he was quite ruined and could no longer maintain his mercenary soldiers, he was murdered by Leptines and Polyperchon, who chanced to use the self-same dagger with which Dion is said to have been slain. It was recognised by being very short, after the Laconian fashion, and by its workmanship, for it was admirably carved with figures in high relief. Such was the retribution which befel Kallippus; while Aristomache and

OF BR

d to virtue, so that even those who were his enemies on account of the conspiracy against C?sar, attributed to Brutus whatever of good the act brought with it, and the worst of what happened they imputed to Cassius, who was a kinsman and friend of Brutus, but in his disposition not so simple and pure. His mother Servilia497 traced her descent from Ala Servilius,498 who when Mallius Spurius was contriving to establish a tyranny and was stirring up the people, put a dagger under his arm, and going into the Forum and taking his stand close to the man, as if he were going to have something to do with him and to address him, struck him as he bent forwards and killed him. Now this is agreed on; but those wh

philosophers, but in well-regulated habits and mildness a rival to the first. Empylus,502 whom both Brutus in his letters and his friends often mentioned as being in intimacy with him, was a rhetorician and left a small work, though not a mean one, on the assassination of C?sar, which is inscribed Brutus. In the Latin language Brutus was sufficiently trained for oratory503 and the contests of the forum; but in the Greek, he practised the apophthegmatic and Laconic brevity which is sometimes conspicuous in his letters. For instance when he was now engaged in the war, he wrote to the people of Pergamum: "I hear that you have given money to Dolabe

keep his hands from filching, he wrote to Brutus to sail as quick as he could to Cyprus from Pamphylia; for Brutus was staying there to recover from an illness. Brutus sailed very much against his will, both out of respect for Canidius, as being undeservedly deprived of his functions by Cato, and inasmuch as he

w, placing himself under Pompeius as leader of his country, he sailed to Sicily as legatus with Sestius,507 who had got it for his province. But as there was nothing of importance to do there, and Pompeius and C?sar had already met together to contend for the supremacy, he went to Macedonia as a volunteer to share the danger; on which occasion they say that Pompeius, being delighted and surprised at his coming, rose from his seat and embraced him as a superior man in the presence of all. During the campaign all the daytime when he was not with P

ith him, and as Brutus was born about the time when her love was most ardent, he had in some degree a persuasion that Brutus was his son. It is recorded that when the great affair of Catilina had engaged the Senate, which affair came very near overturning the State, Cato and C?sar were standing up at the same time and disputing. While this was going on, a small letter was brought in and given to C?sar, which he read silently, whereon

ere; and Brutus mollified C?sar even towards Cassius.510 When Brutus was speaking in defence of the King of the Libyans,511 he felt himself overpowered by the magnitude of the charges against him, but yet by his prayers and urgent entreaties he preserved for him a large part of his dommions. C?sar is said, when he first heard Brutus speaking, to have remarked to his friends: "This youth, I know not what he wills, but what he does will, he wills with energy." For the earnest character of Brutus, and his disposition not to listen unadvisedly nor to every one who asked a favour, but to act upon reflection and principle, made his efforts strong and effective towards accomplishing whatever ho turned to. But towards unreasonable prayers he was immovable by flattery, and to be overcome by those who impudently urged their suit, which some call to be sha

d on and irritated, they were brought into collision. Brutus relied on his good fame and virtues against the many splendid exploits of Cassius in his Parthian campaigns. C?sar hearing this and consulting with his friends said: "What Cassius says has more justice, but Brutus must have the first office." Cassius was appointed to another pr?torship, but he had not so much gratitude for what he got, as anger for what he failed in getting. Brutus also shared C?sar's power in other respects as much as he chose. For if he had

y intimating that no person but Brutus had any pretensions to so much power after himself. And indeed it seems that Brutus might certainly have been the first man in the State, if he could have endured for a short time to be second to C?sar, and if he had let C?sar's power pass its acme, and the fame got by his great exploits waste away. But Cassius, who was a violent-tempered man and rather on his individual account a hater of C?sar than on the public account a hater of the tyrant, inflamed Brutus and urged him on. Brutus indeed is said to have been discontented with the dominion, but Cassius to have hated the dominator; and Cassius had various

tion; but Pompeius prevented this, and bringing both the boys together questioned them about the affair. Thereon it is reported that Cassius said, "Come, now, Faustus, say if you dare before Pompeius the words at which I was enraged, that I may break your mouth again." Such was the character of Cassius. But many words from his friends and many oral and written expressions from the citizens called and urged Brutus to the deed. For they wrote on the statue of his ancestor Brutus, who had put down the dominion of the kings: "Would you were here,

this, now made the first advances to Brutus since their difference. And after their reconciliation and friendly greeting Cassius asked, if he intended to be present in the Senate on the new-moon of March, for he heard that C?sar's friends would then make a proposal about the kingly power. Brutus replied that he would not be present. "What then," said Cassius, "if they summon us?" "It would be my business then," said Brutus, "not to be silent, but to fight and die in defence of liberty." Cassius being now encouraged said, "What Roman will endure that you die first?

tile to the power by reason of which he had been in danger, was an enemy of C?sar, and one of the most intimate friends of Brutus. Brutus, who came to see him when he was sick, said, "Ligarius, a

, because when Brutus, in conversation and philosophical disquisition, had remotely and in a circuitous way sounded them about such an attempt, Favonius answered that a civil war was worse than an illegal monarchy; and Statilius said that it was not befitting a wise man, and one who had understanding, to expose himself to danger and to trouble on account of the vile and foolish. Labeo,520 who was present, opposed both of them. Brutus, indeed, at the time kept silent, as if he considered that the matter was something hard and difficult to determine; but afterwards he communicated his design to Labeo. When Labeo had readily accepted the proposal, it was resolved to gain over the other Brutus, surnamed Albinus,521 who was not a man of action, nor courage

ld by her husband, and the child's name was Bibulus; and there is extant a small book of memoirs of Brutus, written by Bibulus. Porcia, who was a philosopher and loved her husband, and was full of spirit and good sense, did not attempt to question her husband about his secrets before she had made trial of herself in manner following. She took a knife, such as barbers pare the nails with, and putting all her attendants out of the chamber, she inflicted a deep wound in her thigh, so that there was a large flow of blood, and, shortly after, violent pains and shivering fever came upon her in consequence of the wound. Brutus being agonised and full of trouble, Porcia spoke to him thus in the acme of her pain: "I, Brutus, Cato's daughter, was given unto thy house, not like women, who serve as concubines, to share thy bed and board only, but to be a partner in thy

heatre. Hither then the Senate was summoned about the middle of the month of March; the Romans call the day the Ides; so that some d?mon seemed to be bringing the man to the vengeance of Pompeius. When the day came, Brutus put a dagger under his vest, without any one being privy to it except his wife, and went forth; the rest assembled at the house of Cassius, to conduct down to the Forum Cassius' son, who was going to assume the toga called virilis. From thence they all hurried to the portico of Pompeius, where they waited in expectation of C?sar's coming immediately to the Senate. Herein most of all would one have admired the impassiveness of the men and their

ly way than usual, and whispering in a low tone, "You have my wishes," he said, "for success in what you design, and I urge you not to tarry, for the matter is no secret." Saying this he withdrew, putting them in great suspicion of the intended deed being known. In the meantime one came running from the house of Brutus and told him that his wife was dying. For Porcia, who was beside herself through thinking of what was going to be done, and unable to bear the weight of her anxiety, could scarce keep herself within doors, and at every noise and shout, like those possessed with bacchic frenzy, she would spring forth and question every one who came in from the Forum, what Brutus was doing, and was continually sending others out. At length, as the time began to be

he conspirators (for so we may call them) not hearing what he said, but conjecturing from their own suspicions that the conversation was a discovery of the plot, sunk in their spirits and looked at one another, by their countenances declaring to one another that they ought not to wait to be seized, but forthwith to die by their own hands. Cassius and some others had already laid their hands on the hilts of their daggers under their garments and were d

in the supplication, laying hold of C?sar's hands, and they kissed his breast and head. C?sar at first repulsed their intreaties, and then, as they did not intermit, he made a sudden attempt to rise up, on which Tillius, with both his hands, pulled C?sar's garment down from the shoulders, and Casca first of all (for he stood behind him) drew his sword and drove it into C?sar's body near the shoulders, but to no great depth. C?sar, laying hold of the handle, cried out aloud in the Roman language, "Villain Casca, what are you doing!" and Casca, addressing his

ius, a man of generous nature, a lover of honourable distinctions and fond of fame, when C?sar was put out of the way, would join his country in seizing hold of freedom, and be led on by them through emulation to what was good. In this way Brutus saved Antonius; but in the then alarm Antonius changed his dress for plebeian attire and fled. Brutus and his partisans went to the Capitol, their hands stained with blood, and displaying their bare swords called the citizens to liberty. Now, at first, there were shouts, and the people running this way and that, as chance would have it, after the murder, increased the confusion; but as there was no more slaughter and no plundering of the things exposed for sale, both the senators and many of the plebeians took heart and went up to the conspirators to the Capitol. The multitude being assembled, Brutus spoke in a way to please the people and suitable to the circumstances; and as the

ent his son to the Capitol as a hostage, Brutus and the conspirators came down, and there were salutations and pressing of hands among all of them together. Antonius received Cassius and feasted him, and Lepidus entertained Brutus; and the rest were entertained by others according to the intimacy or friendship that existed between them. At daybreak the senators met again, a

f affection and regret for C?sar seized the citizens: in the second place, when the body had been carried into the Forum, and Antonius according to custom had pronounced a funeral oration in honour of C?sar, seeing that the masses were stirred by his speech, he changed their feeling into compassion, and taking the blood-stained vest of C?sar he unfolded it and showed the rents and the number of the wounds. Upon this there was no longer any order kept; but some called out to kill the murderers, and others, as before in the case of Clodius528 the demagogue, tearing up the benches and tables from the workshops and bringing them together made a very large pile; and placing the corpse upon it in the midst of many temples and asyla and holy places burnt it. When the fire blazed forth, men from various quarters, approaching and plucking out half-burnt pieces of wood,

hose who had attacked the houses of the conspirators. The people, too, already annoyed at Antonius being nearly established in monarchical power, longed for Brutus, and it was expected that he would, in person, superintend the spectacles531 which as pr?tor it was his duty to exhibit. But when Brutus heard that many of those who had served under C?sar and received lands and cities from him, were forming designs against him, and were dropping into the city a few at a time, he did not venture to go, and the people saw the spectacles, which, though Brutus w

popular favour, and by paying among the citizens the money that was left them, he made a strong party against Antonius, and by distributing money he got together and assembled many of those who had served under C?sar. Now when Cicero took the side of C?sar through hatred of Antonius, Brutus533 rebuked him strongly in his letters, saying that Cicero did not dislike a master, but feared a master who hated him, and that his policy was to choose a mild servitude, as he showed by writing and sa

o leave Italy, and he went by land through Lucania to Velia534 to the sea. From this place Porcia, intending to turn back to Rome, endeavoured to conceal her excessive emotion, but a painting made her betray herself though she was a noble-spirited woman. It was a subject from Grecian story, Hector accompanied by A

rt to me father

o, and husband

ut it is not for me to sa

distaff, and co

oble deeds equally with us, but in her mind she nobly dares as we do in

ng over those who were with the armies there, and he attached to himself and kept with him the young men from Rome who were residing at Athens for the sake of their studies. Among them was also a son of Cicero whom Brutus particularly commends, and says, that whether he is waking or sleeping, he admires him for his noble disposition and hatred of tyrants. Having now begun openly to attend to affairs, and hearing that Roman vessels full of money were sailing over from Asia, with a commander on board who was an

and Leto's son

at Philippi, Apollo was the word that he gave to his soldiers. Accordingly they

gs and rulers all around began to side with him and to come over; but in the meantime news arrived that Caius, the brother of Antonius, had crossed over from Italy and was marching straight against the troops which Gabinius543 had under him in Epidamnus and Apollonia. Brutus, intending to anticipate and prevent him, immediately put in motion those who were with him, and marched through a difficult country in the midst of a snow-storm; and he was far in advance of those who conveyed the provisions. As he came near Epidamnus, he began to suffer from bulimy544 through exhaustio

lace he lost three cohorts, which were cut to pieces by Brutus on the march; and in the next place, attempting to force the posts about Byblis, which were already occupied, he came to a battle with Cicero and was defeated; for Brutus employed Cicero in command and gained many successes through him. Brutus himself came upon Caius, who was in marshy ground and far separated from the rest of his troops, but he would not let his men make an attack, and he threw his cavalry around him with orders to spare the men, saying that in a short time they would be theirs; which in fact happened, for they surrendered themselves and their general, so that there wa

ted him to friendship, and placing his troops around the city he got the consulship, being yet hardly a young man, but in his twentieth year, as he said in his Memoirs. He immediately instituted a prosecution on a charge of murder against Brutus and his partisans, for having put to death without trial the first man in the state who was filling the highest offices; and he named as the accuser of Brutus, Lucius Cornificius, and Marcus Agrippa as the accuser of Cassius. Accordingly they were condemned for default of appearance, the

t should have been intolerable for them even to hear. Brutus having taken his army over to Asia, which was now a considerable force, set about fitting out a naval force in Bithynia548 and in the neighbourhood of Cyzicus; and himself moving about with his troops settled the cities and had interviews with the rulers; and he sent to Cassius549 into Syria to recall him from Egypt; for he said that it was not to get dominion, but to deliver their country that they were rambling about and collecting a force with which they would put down the tyrants; that they ought therefore, remembering and keeping in mind this purpose, not to hold themselves far from

C?sar, was confidently expected to give up his power to the laws, but to retain affairs in his hands, pacifying the people with the name of consulship and dictatorship or some other title with more pleasing name; and this Cassius, who was a violent and passionate man and was often carried away from justice in quest of gain, more than any one else they thought would carry on war, and ramble about and expose himself to danger for the purpose of getting power for himself, not liberty for the citizens. For as to the men of still earlier times, the Cinnas and Marii and Carbos, they viewed their country as a prize and booty for competition, and all but in express words fought to get a tyranny. But as to Brutus, they say that not even his enemies imputed to him such a change in his purpose, but that many persons had heard Antonius say, he thought Brutus was the only person who conspired against C?sar because of being moved by the

ose who addressed him as king and lord: "I am neither king nor lord, but the executioner and punisher of lord and king." Brutus demanded of the Lycians money and men. When Naucrates the demagogue persuaded the cities to revolt, and the people occupied certain heights to prevent Brutus from passing, in the first place he sent cavalry against them when they were eating, who killed six hundred of them; and in the next place taking possession of the posts and forts, he released all the people without ransom with the view of gaining over the nation by kindness. But the people were obstinate, being enraged at what they had suffered, and despising his moderation and humanity, till at last Brutu

eat affliction at what was going on, rode round the walls, being eager to save the people, and stretching out his hands to the Xanthians he prayed them to spare themselves and save the city; and yet no one regarded him, but in every way they sought to destroy themselves; and not only men and women, but even the little children; with cries and shouts, some leaped into the fire and others broke their necks from the walls, and others presented their throats to their fathers' knives, baring them and bidding them strike. After the city was destroyed, there was found a woman suspended by a rope, w

was a most moderate and just man, and they persuaded the citizens to yield and to surrender the city. Upon this all the rest of the Lycians surrendered and gave themselves up to him, and they found him to be honourable and merciful beyond their expectation; for while Cassius about the same time compelled all the Rhodia

e Theodotus552 of Chios, who was hired to teach the king rhetoric, and was then thought worthy of a place in the council for want of better men, attempted to show that both were in error, those who advised to receive and those who advised to send away Pompeius, for there was one thing in the present circumstances that was useful, and that was to receive him and put him to death. And he added, at the end of his speech, that a corpse does not bite. The council assented to his opinion, and Pompeius Magnus fell, an ins

began with blaming one another, and then fell to proofs and charges. From this they came to tears and passionate expressions without restraint, so that their friends, wondering at the roughness and violence of their anger, feared lest something should happen; but it was forbidden to approach them. But Marcus Favonius, who had been a lover of Cato, and was a philosopher not so much from reason as a certain impulse and mad passion, went in to them though the slaves attempted to hinder him.

h are younger

me. Cassius gave an entertainment to which Brutus invited his friends.555 As they were just reclining, Favonius came from the bath; and, on Brutus declaring that he came without invitation and bidding hi

ly admonished and publicly acquitted, and he still continued to employ them. Accordingly he blamed Brutus as being too strict an observer of law and justice at a time which required politic conduct and conciliatory measures. But Brutus told him to remember the Ides of March on which they lulled C?sar, who was not himself oppressing and plundering everybo

tch with regard to the future, when he had taken a short repose after eating, he employed the rest of the night on affairs of urgency. And when he had finished and arranged everything that was necessary about such matters, he would read a book till the third watch, at which time the centurions and tribunes were used to come to him. Being then about to convoy his army over from Asia, it happened to be dead of night and the lamp in his tent was not very bright; and the whole camp was in

hioning of the form is like unto wax, and as the soul of man possesses both the thing to be fashioned and that which fashions, being the same, it has of itself the power of most easily varying itself and assuming different forms. And this is shown by the changes of our dreams in sleep, which changes the phantastic power undergoes, from slight causes assuming every kind of effect and image. It is the nature of the phantastic power to be always in motion, and motion is to it a certain phantasy or perception. In you the body being troubled naturally excites and perverts the mind. But it is neither probab

d they would have done it, if Antonius had not come to their aid with such wonderful expedition that Brutus could scarce believe it. C?sar arrived ten days later, and pitched his camp opposite to Brutus: Antonius took his station opposite to Cassius. The plain which lay between the armies, the Romans called the Campi Philippi; and it was on this occasion that the largest Roman armies were matched against one another. Now in numbers they were not a little inferior to those of C?sar, but

as being carried, fell down owing to the bearer slipping. Besides this many birds of prey daily appeared in the camp and swarms of bees were seen collecting about a certain spot within the lines, which the diviners enclosed in order to get rid of the superstitious fear which was gradually withdrawing even Cassius himself from the principles of Epicurus, and had completely cowed the soldiers. Owing to this, Cassius was not eager that the matter should be decided at present by a battle, and he was of opinion that they should protract the war, being strong in resources, but in amount of arms and men inferior to the enemy. But Brutus even before this was eager to settle the matter by the speediest hazard, and thus either to recover freedom for his country, or to relieve from th

daybreak there was hung out in the lines of Brutus and of Cassius the signal for the contest, a purple vest, and they met between the two camps, and Cassius said: "Brutus, I hope we may be victorious and live together happily all the rest of our lives; but as the chief of human events are the most uncertain, and if the battle results contrary to our expectation, it will not be easy for us to see one another, what do you intend with respect to flight or death?" Brutus replied, "When I was a young man, Cassius, and inexperienced in affairs, I know not how it happened that I neglected a weighty matter in philosophy. I blamed Cato for killing himself, considering that it was not right nor befitting a man to withdraw himself from his d?mon, and not to await what happens without fear, but to skulk away. But now I am of a different mind in the circumstances, and if the deit

hich were indistinct and loud. In the meantime billets came from Brutus to the officers in which the word was written, and as he was advancing on horseback before the legions and encouraging them, a few had time to hear the word as it was passed along, but the greater part without waiting, with one impulse and shout rushed against the enemy. Some irregularity arose in the lines and some separation of them through this disorder, and the legion of Messala first and those which were close upon it outflanked C?sar's left; and having slightly touched the soldiers on the

the beginning avoided the attack, retreated to the marsh, and C?sar could nowhere be seen, as he had fled from the camp; but some showed their bloody swords to Brutus supposing they had killed him, and describing his appearance and age. And now the centre had repelled their opponents with great slaughter; and Brutus thought that he was completely victorious as Cassius thought that he was defeated. And this was the only thing which ruined their cause, that Brutus did not aid Cassius because he thought that he was victorious, and that Cassius did not wait for Brutus because he thought that he had perished; for Messala considers it a proof of victory that Brutus had taken three eagles and many standards from the enemy, and the enemy had taken nothing. Brutus now retreating after he had destroyed C?sar's camp, was su

ed, he retreated with a few men to a hill which had a view towards the plain. He saw nothing in the plain, or with difficulty the plunder of the camp, for he was weak of vision; but the horsemen around him saw many approaching whom Brutus sent. Cassius conjectured that they were enemies and were in pursuit of him; yet he sent Titinius, one of those who were with him, to see. The horsemen did not fail to observe him approaching, and when they saw a man who was a friend, and faithful to Cassius, they shouted for joy, and some of his friends leaping down from their horses embraced him and took his hand, and the rest riding round him with joyful shouts and clatter by their unmeasured rejoicing produced the greatest misfortune. For Cassius was quite sure that Titinius was caught by the enemy. With these words, "Through love o

there. He summoned the soldiers together and consoled them; and seeing that they were deprived of all necessaries he promised them two thousand drachm? apiece in place of what they had lost. The soldiers were encouraged by his words and admired the magnitude of his present; and they accompanied him with shouts as he went away, magnifying him as the only one of the four Imperatores who was

s the army that had been victorious), Brutus resolved to put his troops under arms, but he would not fight. Of the captives, he ordered the slaves to be killed, as they were moving about among the soldiers in a suspicious way; but of the freemen he released some, saying that they had rather been made captives by the enemy, and were captives and slaves there, but with him were free men and citizens; and when he saw that his friends and the officers were ill-disposed towards them, he saved them by concealing them and sending them away. There were a certain Volumnius,567 a mime, and Saculio, a jester, among the prisoners, whom Brutus cared not for, and his friends bringing these to him accused them of not abstaining even now from speaking and jeering to insult them. Brutus was silent, being occupi

f Italy, that their soldiers might have land and cities to which they had no claim. But with Antonius and C?sar dominion and power was the end which they proposed to themselves in the war, while Brutus, owing to his reputation for virtue, was not allowed by the many either to conquer or to save his life otherwise than by honourable and just means; and especially now that Cassius was dead, who had the imputation of urging Brutus on to some of his more violent acts. But as at sea when the helm is broken, they attempt to nail on other pieces of wood, and to fit them, not skilfully inde

ore Brutus was aware of the great good fortune that had come to him; for it happened that in the same day the battle by land and the battle by sea were determined. But by some chance rather than through the fault of the commanders of the fleet, Brutus was ignorant of the success, though twenty days had elapsed. For otherwise he would not have gone out to a second battle when he was provided with all necessaries for his army for a long time and was posted in a good position, wherein he could have maintained his army in the winter free from all suffering and safe against the attacks of the enemy, and by being master of the sea, and having defeated by land the troops opposed to him, was in high hopes and spirits. But affairs,

rst eagle was covered with bees, and from the arm of one of the centurions an oil of roses spontaneously burst out, and though they often rubbed it off and wiped it away, it was all to no use. Further, before the battle, two eagles met and fought in the space between the armies, and a silence past

sun now going down, to the ninth hour. Brutus had the advantage with his own troops, and he pushed on, pressing upon the left wing of the enemy which gave way, and the cavalry supported him by charging together with the infantry the disordered ranks; but the other wing, which the commanders extended for fear of being surrounded, was inferior in numbers, and was drawn out in the centre, and thus becoming weak, did not resist the enemy, but fled first. The enemy, having broken this wing, immediately surrounded Brutus, who displayed all the virtues of a general and a soldier, both in his personal exertions, and his prudent measures in the midst of danger to secure victory; but he was damage

e who heard that Brutus was being brought alive flocked together, some pitying him for his ill fortune, and others thinking it unworthy of his fame to let himself be taken by barbarians through love of life. When they were near, Antonius stopped, being doubtful how he should receive Brutus, but Lucilius, approaching with a cheerful countenance, said, "Antonius, no enemy has taken Marcus Brutus, nor will: may fortune never have such a victory over virtue. But he will be found, whether alive or dead, in a condition worthy of himself. But I who have deceived your soldiers am come to suffer, and I deprecate no punishment, however severe, for what I have done." When Lucilius had said

not advance far, but seating himself in a hollow spot where there was a large rock spread out, with a few of his officers and frien

Jove, the author

ard to see, and Dardanus the shield-bearer with him. Returning after a while they asked about the water; and Brutus, smiling with a very friendly expression on Volumnius, said, "It is drunk up, but some more shall be brought for you." The same person was sent, but he was in danger of being taken by the enemy and escaped with difficulty after being wounded. As Brutus conjectured that no great number of his men had fallen, Statyllius574 underto

aid, "Certainly we must fly, yet not with the feet, but with the hands." Offering his right hand to each with a cheerful countenance, he said that he felt great pleasure, that no one of his friends had deceived him, but he blamed fortune with respect to his country; as for himself, he considered that he was happier than the conquerors, in that not yesterday nor yet recently, but even now he left behind him a reputation for virtue, which those would not leave behind who gained the victory by arms or by money, nor would they make people think that unjust and vile men who had destroyed

s at Philippi for the sake of Brutus, he had shown himself most zealous at Actium, replied, "Yes, C?sar, I have always been on the better and juster side." When Antonius found the body of Brutus,577 he ordered it to be wrapped in the most costly of his purple vests; and when he afterwards discovered that the purple vest was stolen, he put the thief to death. The ashes he sent to Servilia, the mother of Brutus. Nikolaus578 the philosopher and Valerius Maximus579 relate that Porcia the wife of Brutus being desirous to d

OF DION A

edit of the plot against C?sar, and say that Brutus had no share in it. Dion on the other hand was obliged to provide himself with friends and fellow conspirators, no less than with arms, ships, and soldiers. Furthermore, Dion did not, like Brutus, gain wealth and power by the revolution and war which he began, but even gave his own money to support the war, and spent the property on which he might have lived comfortably in exile in order to make his countrymen free. We must

rcome all opposition seemed to be a despotism merely in name, for C?sar did nothing cruel or arbitrary, and rather appeared to have been sent by heaven like a physician, to establish an absolute monarchy in as mild a form as possible, at a time when that remedy was necessary for Rome. In consequence of this th

ed by C?sar as his friend, and had been promoted by C?sar above many others, murdered his benefactor. On the contrary, Dion was the relative and friend of Dionysius, and assisted him in maintaining his government, and it was not until he was expelled from his country, his wife wronged, and his property confiscated, that he openly began a most just and lawful war against the despot. Is there not, however, another view of this question? That hatred of despotism and wrong which is so highly honoured, was possessed by Brutus pure and unalloyed by personal motives, for he had no private grudge against C?sar, and yet risked his life on behalf of the liberty of the people: while Dion would never have made war against Dionysius, if he had not been wronged by him. This we learn distinctly from Plato's letters, which prove that Dion did n

of C?sar's name even after his death rallied his friends, and enabled a helpless child to become at once the first of the Romans by assuming it, as though it were a talisman to protect him against the might and hatred of Antonius. If it be said that Dion only drove out Dionysius after many fierce battles, whereas Brutus stabbed C?sar when he was naked and unguarded, yet it was in itself a brilliant piece of generalship to have attacked so powerful a man when he was naked and unguarded: for he did not attack him on a sudden impulse, or alone, or even with a few associates; but

ital piece of workmanship, he passed by it, but stopped shortly afterwards, and before a large audience called for the magistrates of the city, and told them that he had caught them in the act of breaking the peace by harbouring his enemy within their walls. They at first, as may be imagined, denied the charge, and looked at one another, not knowing t

F ARTA

arger than his left. He was the son of Xerxes; and Artaxerxes the Second, the subject of this memoir, who was surnamed Mnemon, was the son of the former's d

es was originally named Arsikas, although the historian Deinon states that he was named Oarses. Still Ktesias, although his writings are full of all kinds

separate her from him. His mother, however, always loved Cyrus more than Artaxerxes, and wished him to become king instead of his brother. For this reason, when Cyrus was sent for from the coast during his father's last illness, he went to court with great expectations, imagining that she had managed to have him declared heir to the throne. Indeed, Parysatis had a good argument for doing so, which had formerly, at the

When Artaxerxes was about to do this Tissaphernes met him, bringing with him one of the priests, who, when both the princes were boys, had been Cyrus's teacher in the usual course of study, had taught him to use incantations like a Magian, and had been especially grieved at Cyrus not being proclaimed king. For this reason he more easily obtained credit when he accused Cyrus; and the accusation he brought against him was that Cyrus intended to conceal himself in the temple, and when the king took off his clothes, to attack him and murder him. Some writers say that this was how Cyr

laces who recruited soldiers for him on various pretexts. His mother, who was present at court, lulled the king's suspicions, and Cyrus himself constantly wrote to him in dutiful terms, asking him to grant certain matters, and bringing accusations against Tissaphernes, as though it was Tissaphernes of whom he were jealous and with whom he had a quarrel. There was also a certain slowness in the disposition of the king, which was mistaken by the people for good nature. At the beginning of his reign, he seemed inclined to rival the gentleness o

m that his coat was torn. Artaxerxes asked what was to be done, to which Teribazus answered, "Put on another coat, and give this one to me." He replied, "I will give it to you, Teribazus, but I forbid you to wear it." Teribazus, however, who was a loyal subject, but careless and flighty, immediately put on the coat, and ornamented himself with women's necklaces belonging to the king, so that all men were disgusted with him, for it was not lawful to do so. The king, however, laughed, and said, "I allow you to wear the jewelry a

e boasted loudly about himself, averring that he had a greater heart than his brother, was a better philosopher, and was a more learned Magian, and also that he could drink and carry more wine than his brother, who, he declared, was so lazy and cowardly that he would not even mount a horse when hunting, or a throne in time of peril. The Laced?monians now sent a skytale581 to Klearchus, bidding him obey the bidding of Cyrus in all things. Cyrus marched against the King of Persia with a large force and nearly thirteen thousand Greek mercenary troops, whom he had engaged upon various pretences. His treason was not long undiscovered, for Tissaphernes went in person to tell the king of it, upon which there was a terrible scene of disorder in the palace, since Parysatis was blamed as being the chief instigator of the war, and her friends were all viewed with suspicion as traitor

ht not to avoid a battle, and retreat from Media and from Babylon, and even from Susa itself into Persia, when he possessed an army many times as great as that of the enemy, and numberless satraps and generals who were better generals and better soldiers than Cyrus. Upon hearing this advice, the king determined to fight as soon as possible. At first his sudden appearance with a splendidly equipped force of nine hundred thousand men caused great surprise and confusion among the rebels, who had gained such confidence that they were marching without their arms; an

, if not more to blame for not arraying his Greeks opposite to the Persian king, and for resting his right wing upon the river for fear he should be surrounded. If he valued safety more than anything else, and cared only to avoid the slightest risk of loss, he had better have stayed at home; but after he had marched ten thousand stadia from the sea, under no compulsion, but solely in order to place Cyrus upon the throne of Persia, then to be solicitous, not for a post where he might win the victory for his chief and paymaster, but merely for one where he might fight without exposing himself, was to act like a man who, on the first appearance of danger, abandons the whole enterprise and gives up the object for which the expedition was made. It is abundantly clear from what took place, that if the Greeks had charged the troops who defended

se Greeks on a base errand, to plunder the good things of the Persians, and to slay thy brother and thy lord, who hath ten thousand times ten thousand slaves, each one better than thou art. Soon shalt thou find out the truth of this; for before thou seest the king's face thou shalt lose thine own head." Saying thus, he hurled his javelin against Cyrus, but his breastplate resisted the blow, and Cyrus was not wounded, although he reeled in h

onset of Cyrus, and again mounted. At the third charge the king who was violently enraged, and cried out to those around him that it was better to die than be treated thus, rode straight against Cyrus, who rashly and heedlessly exposed himself to the missiles of his enemies. The king hurled a dart at Cyrus, and so did, all his followers. Cyrus fell, struck,

' breadths deep, and cast him from his horse. Upon this there was much disorder, and many took to flight. The king rose, and with a few followers, among whom was Ktesias, took refuge on a hill hard by. Meanwhile Cyrus was carried by his horse a long distance forward into the midst of his enemies, and, as it was now growing dark, he was not recognised by his foes, and was being sought for in vain by his friends. Excited by his victory, and full of spirit and pride, he rode about through the ranks, crying,

ng and begging him for mercy. At this time certain men of Kaunus, of mean and low condition, who followed the king's army to perform menial services, happened to join the party with Cyrus, supposing them to be friends. When, however, they managed to distinguish that the surcoats which they wore over their armour were purple, while all the king's soldiers wore white ones, th

asyras, with great delight, told him that he had seen Cyrus lying dead. On hearing this Artaxerxes at first wished to go to see it himself, and bade Artasyras lead him to the spot; but as there was much talk and fear of the Greeks, who were said to be advancing and carrying all before them; he decided to send a party to view the body; and thirty men went carrying torches. Meanwhile, as the king himself was almost dying of thirst the eunuch Satibarzanes went in search of drink for him; for there was no water in the place where he was, nor indeed anywhe

im, so that he soon collected a force of seventy thousand men, accompanied by whom he re-entered his camp. He had left it in the morning, according to Ktesias, with an army of four hundred thousand men; though Deinon and Xenophon both estimate the forces actually engaged at a higher figure. Ktesias states that the number of the dead was returned to Artaxerxes as nine thousand, but that he himself thought that the corpses which he saw lying on the field must amount to more than twenty thousand. This point admits of discussion; but Ktesias tells an obvious untruth when he says that h

sted that he had slain two of the enemy, was condemned by the king to have his tongue pierced with three needles. As Artaxerxes believed, and wished all men to think that he had himself slain Cyrus, he sent presents to Mithridates, who was the first man that wounded Cyrus, and bade those who carried the presents say, "The king honours you with these presents, because you found Cyrus's saddle-cloth and brought it to him." And when the Carian, who had struck Cyrus under the knee, demanded a present, he bade those who carried the presents say, "The king gives you these for having been second to bring him the good news; for Artasyras first, and you next, brought him the news of the death of Cyrus." Mithridates retired in silence, much vexed at this; but the unhappy Carian, as often

ese things, Sparamixes? I proved myself on that day worth more than these to the king." Sparamixes smiled and said, "I do not grudge you them, Mithridates, but come-as the Greeks say that there is truth in wine-tell us how it can be so great or brilliant an achievement to find a saddle-cloth that has fallen off a horse, and to bring it to the king." This the eunuch said, not because he did not know the truth, but because he wished to lead Mithridates, whose tongue was loosened by wine, to expose his folly before the company. Mithridates could not restrain himself, and said: "You

s is as follows:-Two wooden boats are made, which fit together. The criminal is placed on his back in one of them, and then the other is placed over him, and the two are fastened so as to leave his head, feet, and hands outside, but covering all the rest of his body. They give him food, and if he refuses it, they force him to eat it by pricking his eyes. When he has eaten they pour a mixture of milk and honey into his mouth and over his face. They then keep turning

es one day eager for amusement, as he had nothing to do, she challenged him to play for a thousand darics. She purposely allowed her son to win, and paid him the money: and then pretending to be vexed at her loss, called on him to cast the dice afresh for a eunuch. Artaxerxes agreed, and they agreed to play upon the condition that each of them should set apart five of their most trusty eunuchs, and that the winner was to have his choice of the rest. On these terms they played; and Parysatis, who gave the closest attention to her game, and was also favoured by fortune, won, and chose Masabates, who was not one of the excepted ones. Before the king suspected her purpose she had Masabat

rs. All these services Ktesias states that he rendered in consequence of the favour of Parysatis for the captives, and at her instigation. He says, also, that as he sent Klearchus a joint of meat daily in addition to his other provisions, Klearchus begged him and assured him that it was his duty to hide a small dagger in the meat, and send it to him, and not to allow him to be cruelly put to death by the king; but he was afraid, and did not dare to do it. Ktesias says that the king's mother pleaded with him for the life of Klearchus, and that he agreed to spare him, and even swore to do so, but that he was again overruled by Statira, and put them all to death except Menon. It was in consequence of this, according to Ktesias, that Parysatis began to plot against Statira, and devised the plan for

There is in Persia a small bird, which has no excrements, but all its entrails are filled with solid fat; it is supposed that it feeds upon air and dew; the name of it is rhyntakes. Ktesias states that Parysatis cut this bird in two with a small knife, one side of which was smeared over with the poison. As she cut it, she wiped the poison off the blade on to one piece of the bird, which she gave to Statira, while she ate the untouched portion herself. Deinon, however, says that it was not Parysatis, but Melantas, who cut off the poisoned part of the meat and gave it to Statira. As Statira perished in dreadful agonies and convulsions, she herself perceived that she had been poisoned, and directed the suspicions of the king against his mother, knowing, as he did, her fierce and rancorous disposition. He at on

it would be a disgrace to them not to set free the enslaved Greeks of Asia Minor, and put a stop to the insolence of the Persians. Their army was at first commanded by Thimbron, and afterwards by Derkyllidas, but as neither of these effected anything of importance, they entrusted the conduct of the war to their king Agesilaus. He crossed over to Asia with the fleet, and at once began to act with vigour. He gained much glory, defeated Tissaphernes, and set free the Greek cities from the Persians. Artaxerxes, upon this, having carefully considered how it would be best for him to contend with the

by the hands of Zeno the Cretan, or of Polykritus of Mende. Of these men, Zeno was a dancer, and Polykritus a physician. If these men should be absent he ordered the man to give the letter to Ktesias the physician. It is said that Ktesias received the letter and that he added to what Konon had written a paragraph bidding the king send Ktesias to him, as he would be a useful person to superintend naval operations. Ktesias, however, says that the king of his own accord appointed him to this service. Artaxerxes, now, by means of Pharnabazus and Konon, gained the sea-fight of Knidos, deprived the Laced?monians of the empir

eralship, yet the glory of Sparta was lost before, by that shameful treaty. While Sparta was the leading state in Greece, Artaxerxes made Antalkidas his guest, and spoke of him as his friend; but when after the defeat at Leuktra the Laced?monians were humbled to the dust, and were in such distress for money that they sent Agesilaus to Egypt to serve for hire, Antalkidas again came to the court of Artaxerxes to beg him to help the Laced?monians. But Artaxerxes treated him with such neglect, and so contemptuously refused his request, that Antalkidas, on his return, jeered at by his enemies, and afraid moreover of the anger of the Ephors, starved himself to death. There went also to the King of Persia Ismenias of Thebes, and Pelopidas who had just won the battle of Leuktra. Pelopidas would not disgrace himself by any show of servility; but Ismenias, when ordered to do reverence to the king, dropped his ring, and then s

rs, named Atossa, but that, chiefly on his mother's account, he concealed his love and restrained himself, though some historians state that he had already had some secret commerce with the girl. When Parysatis suspected this, she caressed the girl more than ever, and was continually praising her beauty and good qualities to the king, saying that she was a noble lady and fit to be a queen. At last she persuaded him into marrying the girl and proclaiming her as his lawful wife, disregarding the opinions and customs of the Greeks, and declaring that he himself was a law to the Persians and able to decide for himself what was right and wrong. Some writers, however, amongst whom is Her

allen into disrepute by folly, and who was then in a very humble and despicable position, saved both the king and his army. The Kadousians had two kings, each of whom occupied a separate camp. Teribazus, after having explained to Artaxerxes what he was about to do, himself went to one of these camps, and sent his son to the other. Each of them deceived the king to whom he went, by saying that the other king was about to send an embassy to Artaxerxes, offering to make peace and contract an alliance with him for himself alone. "If, then, you are wise," said they, "you will be beforehand with your rival, and I will manage the whole affair for you." Both of the kings were imposed upon in this manner, and, in their eagerness to steal a march upon one another, one of them sent ambassadors to the Persians with Teribazus, and the other with his son. As Teribazus was a long while absent, Artaxerxes began to suspect his fidelity, and he fell into a very desponding conditio

to gather wood from the royal park, and gave them leave to cut down the trees, without sparing either fir trees or cypresses. As they hesitated, and wished to spare the trees because of the

men of the kingdom with suspicion. Many of them he put to death in anger, but more because he feared them-for fear makes kings cruel, while cheerful confidence renders them gentle, merciful, and unsuspici

shed to cut off the hopes of Ochus at once, for fear that he might do as Cyrus had done, and again plunge the kingdom in wars and disorders, he proclaimed Darius his heir, and allowed him to wear his tiara erect. There is a custom among the Persians that whoever is declared heir to the throne may ask for anything that he pleases, and that the king who has nominated him must, if possible, grant his request. Darius, in accordance with this custom, asked for Aspasia, the favourite of Cyrus, who was at that time living in the harem of Artaxerxes. This lady was a native of the city of Phok?a in Ionia, born of free parents, and respectably brought up. When she was introduced to Cyrus at supper, with several other women, the others sat down beside h

the law compelled him to do so, but he soon afterwards took her away from him again: for he appointed her priestess of the temple of Artemis, called An?itis, at Ekbatana, in order that she might spend the rest of her life in chastity. This he considered to be not a harsh, but rather a playful way of reproving his son; but Darius was much enraged at it, either because he was so deeply enamoured of Aspasia, or because he thought that he was being wantonly insulted by his father. Teribazus, perceiving his anger, confirmed him in it, because he saw in the treatment which Darius had received the counterpart of that which had befallen himself. The king, who had several daughters, promised Apama to Pharnabazus, Rho

out a struggle when his brother was bringing female influence to bear to secure his own succession, and when his father was in such a vacillating and uncertain frame of mind. He who could break the laws of the Persians-which may not be broken-out of his passion for a Greek girl, cannot be urged, be trusted, to k

en desire what is wrong, because of their ignorance and low mindedness. Yet, besides all these considerations, the greatness of the empire, and the fear with which Ochus i

m draw their daggers and rush upon him, he quickly raised the tapestry, passed into the inner room, and slammed the door, crying aloud for help. The would-be murderers, having been seen by the king, but having effected nothing, rushed away through the gates of the palace, and especially warned Teribazus to fly, as he had been distinctly seen. The others dispersed and escaped, but Teribazus was surrounded, and after killing many of the king's body guard with his own hand was at last despatched by a javelin hurled from a distance. Darius and his children were brought before a court formed of the royal judges, who were appointed by the king to try him. As the king himself did not appear but impeached him by proxy, he ordered clerks to write down the decision of each judge and to bring it to him. As all decided alike, and sentenced Darius to death, the officers of the court removed him into a prison hard by. The executioner now came, bearing in his han

friends of the king, who, with an affection of secrecy, continually told him frightful tales of how his father had determined to put him to death with every circumstance of cruelty and insult. These messengers, by daily communicating these fabrications to him, saying that the king was on the very eve of carrying them into operation, threw the unhappy man into such a terrible state of despair and excitement of mind that he ended his life by poison. The king, on hearing of the manner of his death, lamented for him, and had some suspicions about how he came by his end; but as he was unable to verify them and discover the truth, on account of his great age, he attached

OF AR

d the ill-omened sound of the old proverb, that the philosophe

fathers, save t

es him to be wrong, and restores

fathers, save t

n discoursing upon the lives of well-born men, and in listening to the remarks of others about them. They do not depend for praise upon the lives of other men, because there is nothing to be admired in themselves, but they combine the glory of their ancestors with their own, and honour them both as having founded their families and as having set examples to be imitated. For this reason I have sent to you the life of Aratus, which I have compiled, not that

a settled form of government began to be established, Timokleides died, and Abantidas, the son of Paseas, in order to obtain the supreme power for himself, assassinated Kleinias, and either banished or put to death all his relatives and friends. He endeavoured to kill Kleinias's son, Aratus, who was left an orphan at the age of seven; however, during the confusion which prevailed in the ho

to gymnastic exercises in the palaestra, and even gained a crown for success in the pentathlum. We can trace the effects of this training in his statues, which represent an intellectual and commanding countenance, and also the effects of the liberal diet an

o a discussion and assassinated him. He was succeeded by his father, Paseas, who was soon treacherously slain by Nikokles, who now declared himself despot of Sikyon. We are told that this man was singularly like Periander, the son of Kypselus,

mbined with a prudence beyond his years. In consequence of this, all the other Sikyonian exiles looked upon him as their leader, and Nikokles himself regarded him with apprehension, and quietly took precautions against him, never supposing that he would attempt so audacious an enterprise as he did, but thinking he would probably make overt

d not seize some strong place within the territory of Sikyon, and make it the base of his operations against the despot, there came to Argos a certain Sikyonian who had escaped from prison. This man was the brother of Xenokles, one of the exiles; and when brought to Aratus by his brother, told him that the city wall, at the place where he himself climbed over it and made his escape, was very nearly level with the ground on the inside, as it was built up against high and rocky ground, while on the outside it was not so high as to be beyond the reach of scaling-ladders. Aratus, when he heard this, sent Xenokles with two of his own servants, named Seuthas and

ch each state continually made upon the territory of its neighbours. The scaling-ladders were made openly by E

nightfall. Under the pretext of being wayfaring men seeking for hospitality, they were to obtain lodgings there for the night, and secure both the man and his dogs, for unless this was done it would be impossible to reach the walls. The scaling-ladders, which were made to take to pieces, were packed in chests, covered over, and sent forward in waggons. Meanwhile, as several spies sent by Nikokles had appeared in Argos, who were said to be quietly watching the movements of Aratus, he rose at daybreak, and spent the day in the open market-place, conversing with his friends. Towards evening he anointed himself in the pal?stra, and then went home

o secure the dogs, which had run away, but that he had locked up the gardener in his house. On hearing this most of the conspirators became disheartened, and demanded to be led back again; but Aratus pacified them by promising that, if the dogs attacked them and gave the alarm, he would give up the attempt. He now sent forward a party with the scaling-ladders, under the command of Ekdelus and Mnesitheus, and himself proceeded at a leisurely pace. The dogs at once set upon the party under Ekdelus, and kept up a continuous barking; nevertheless they reached the wall and placed the ladders against it undisturbed. While the foremost were mounting, the offi

tsman replied from his tower that all was well, only that the hound had been disturbed by the lights of the patrol and the sound of their bell. This gave great encouragement to Aratus's party, who imagined that the huntsman spoke thus because he had seen them and wished to screen them from observation and assist their plot, and that many others in the city might be willing to do the same. Yet, the scaling of the walls was a long and dangerous operation, as the ladders were too weak to bear the weight of more than one man mounting slowly at a time, yet time pressed, for the cocks had already begun to crow, and soon the country people might be expected to arrive, bringing their wa

were eighty in number, and also those who had been driven into exile by his predecessors, who amounted to no less than five hundred. These latter had been forced to wander from place to place for a period of nearly fifty years. They now returned, very poor for the most part, and at once laid claim to the property which had once been theirs. Their attempts to gain possession of their houses and lands caused the greatest disquietude to Aratus, who saw the city plotted against from without, and viewed with dislike by Antigonus on account of its free constitution, while within it was full of faction and disturbance. Under these circumstances he did what he thought was best, by making the city a member of the Ach?an league: and the people of Sikyon, Dorians as they were, willingly adopted the name and entered into the confederacy of the Ach?ans, who at that time were neither famous n

, to connect cities into confederations, and to teach the leaders and the people alike to act together with unanimity. Singularly timid and faint-hearted in open war and in battles fought by daylight, he nevertheless was most dexterous at planning surprises, winning cities, and overthrowing despots. For this reason he often succeeded in his rashest enterprises, and often, through excessive caution, failed when success would have been comparatively easy. Some wild animals see best in the dark, and are nearly blind during the daytime, because the moist nature of the

league such important services in putting his own illustrious name and the power of the city of Sikyon at its disposal, yet, as if he were a mere private man, obeyed whoever might be in command, even though he were a citizen of Dyme, or of T

nus, who had placed a Macedonian garrison in it. Aratus contrived to keep out of the way of the garrison, and, leaving the ship, proceeded a long way inland, accompanied by one single friend, named Timanthes. They concealed themselves in a thick wood, and passed the night as best they could. Shortly afterwards the Macedonian officer in charge appeared, and endeavoured to find Aratus, but was put off the scent by the slaves of Aratus, who had been instructed to say that their master, as soon as he left them, had sailed in another vessel bound to Eub?a. However, the Macedonian declared the cargo, the vessel, and the slaves to be a lawful prize, as being enemy's property, and detained them as such. A few days after this, when Aratus was almost at his wit's end, by good fortune a Roman ship touch

in the games, was the joint work of all the pupils of Melanthus, and we are told by Polemon the geographer, that some parts of it were painted by Apelles himself. The execution was so admirable that Aratus for a moment relented, but soon afterwards his fierce hatred of all the despots made him order it to be destroyed. However, Nealkes the painter, who was a friend of Aratus, interceded for the picture with tears, and as he could not move Aratus, at last said, "We ought to make war against despots themselves, but not against their surroundings. Let us leave the chariot and the figure of Victory, and I will deliver up Aristratus to you, by wiping him out of the picture." Aratus allowe

onciled the rich and the poor, and saved the state from all the danger of revolution, while his own conduct was marked by the greatest moderation in spite of his enormous power. When he was appointed as sole arbitrator with unlimited authority, to decide upon the claims of the exiled families to their inheritances, he refused to act alone, and associated fi

alour, and gre

tus, has been

appy exiles

y thee, this s

s who helped t

dwill amongst

ven sent some of the meat of the victim to Sikyon as a present for him. At dinner that evening he said aloud in the hearing of many guests: "I thought this young Sikyonian was merely a well-bred and patriotic youth; but it seems that he is a very shrewd judge of the lives and politics of us kings. At first he used to despise me, and looked beyond me to Egypt, because he had heard s

ng letters to Ptolemy, full of abuse of Aratus, until at length Ptolemy himself wrote to Aratus and reproached him for his dis

t the Ach?ans, or his own city of Sikyon, but solely with the object of driving out the Macedonian garrison, which was established there as the common despot over all Greece. The Athenian Chares, after gaining some success in battle over the generals of the King of Persia, sent home a despatch to the Athenian people in which he declared that he had won the sister victory to that of Marathon: and this exploit of Aratus may be most truly described as sister to those of Pelopidas the Theban and of Thrasybulus the Athenian, in which they each killed the despots of their respective cities; except that this as

not give up the citadel, but kept it strongly guarded, Antigonus pretended to be indifferent to it, and prepared a wedding feast in Corinth, spending the whole day in attendance at spectacles and in wine-drinking, as if he had entirely given himself up to pleasure and enjoyment. When the time drew near for the attempt, he himself accompanied Nik?a to the theatre to hear Am?beus sing. They were carried together in royal state in a splendidly ornamented litter, and she was delighted at the respect which he showed her, and was as far as possible from guessing his real purpose. When they arrived at the point where the road turned off towards the citadel, he begged her to proceed alone to the theatre, and without troubling himself further

ison, and quartered in the citadel. The other three, having robbed the king's treasury, came to Sikyon to dispose of the plunder to a banker named ?gias, who was well known to Aratus from having had dealings with him. They disposed of a considerable part of their plunder at first, and afterwards, one of them, named Erginus, came quietly over from time to time with the remainder. In this way he became intimate with ?gias, and, being led on by him to talk about the citadel, said that when going up the hill to visit

wall which was not more than fifteen feet high, and arranged that bot

's jewels, and pledged them with ?gias for the money. Indeed, he was of so lofty a soul, and so passionately desirous of glory, that although he knew that Phokion and Epameinondas had gained the reputation of being the most just and noble of the Greeks, by refusing large bribes and not sacrificing honour to money, he preferred to expend his fortune secretly in enterprises in which he alone risked his life on behalf of the

was going on, happened to come up. He was very like Diokles, and Technon, influenced by the likeness, inquired of him if he were in any way connected with Erginus. As he answered that he was his brother, Technon was quite certain that he was addressing Diokles; and without asking his name or waiting for any further proof of identity he gave him his hand, spoke of the compact with Erginus, and asked him questions about it. He cleverly encouraged Technon in his error, agreed to everything that he said, and, turning round, walked with him towards the city without exciting his suspicions. When he was close to the gate, an

little noise and are not so liable to slip. Meanwhile Erginus, with seven youths dressed as wayfaring men, made his way up to the gate unsuspected. They killed the keeper of the gate, and the guard: while at the same time the scaling-ladders were placed against the walls. Aratus hastily crossed the walls with a hundred men. Bidding the remainder follow as fast as they could, he ordered the ladders to be drawn up, and, followed by his hundred men, ran through the town to the citadel, overjoyed at having got so far without raising an alarm, and already certain of success. While they were still some distance off, they met a patrol of four men carrying a light. These men could

ce of the way by which they had gone, and so in a body crouched down in a dark corner in the shade of a cliff, and waited there in great anxiety and alarm: for now the party led by Aratus was being shot at by the garrison of the citadel, and was fighting with them hand to hand, and the shouts of the battle could be plainly heard below, though the echoes of the mountains made it impossible to tell from what quarter the noise proceeded. While they were at a loss to know which way to turn, Archelaus, the leader of the Macedonian troops, marched out with a large force, with loud shouts and trumpets sounding, to attack the party under Aratus, and marched past where the three hundred lay as it were in ambush. They rushed out, charged the Macedonians, killed the first of them, and drove Archelaus and the remainder before them panic-stricken, until they dispersed themselves about the city. No sooner had this victory been won, than Erginus arrived from

is spear into his right hand, and slightly leaning his body against it, he stood for a long time silent, receiving the plaudits and shouts of those who praised his courage and congratulated him on his good fortune. When they had ceased and resumed their seats, he drew himself up and made them a speech worthy of the occasion, on behalf of the Ach?an league, in which he prevailed upon the Corinthians to join the league, and gave up to them the keys of their gates which now came into their possession for the first time since the days of king Philip. He dis

to King Antigonus, and sold five hundred horses and four hundred Syrians whom he found there. The Ach?ans now garrisoned the citadel of Corin

a, in the course of which he crossed into Salamis and laid it waste, being able to make what use he pleased of the power of the Ach?an league, now that it was no longer, as it were, locked up in Peloponnesus. He sent back all the freemen whom he captured to Athens without ransom, hoping to rouse them to revolt against the Macedonians. He also brought Ptolemy into alliance with the Ach?an league, and constituted him commander-in-chief of their forces by land and by sea. His influence with the Ach?ans was so great, that, since it was illegal to elect him as their chief every year, they elected him every other year, while practically they foll

city to which he owed his education, and to gain it over to the Ach?an league. Men were found who dared to make the attempt, chief among whom were ?schylus and Charimenes the soothsayer, but they had no swords, because the despot had prohibited the possessio

many Ach?ans as he could collect, hoping to find the city ready to join him. As, however, most of the Argives were now accustomed to the loss of their liberty, and no one answered his appeal, he retired, having done no more than expose the Ach?ans to the charge of making a warlike invasion in time of peace. For this they were tried before the Mantineans as judges, and, as Aratus did not appear, Aristippus, who was prosecutor, won his cause and got a fine of thirty min? laid upon the Ach?ans. As he both hated and feared Aratus himself, he now, with the connivance of King Antigonus, endeavoured to have him assassina

always, after supper, sent all his servants out of the room, locked the door himself, and betook himself with his mistress to a little upper chamber which was reached by a trapdoor, upon which he placed his bed and slept, as one may expect, a disturbe

ans by his own courage, and has left a posterity which even at the present day enjoys the greatest honour in Greece; whereas of all those men who seized strongholds, kept body-guards, and prote

he people of Argos, just as if they were sitting as judges at the Nemean games, and the battle was not being fought on behalf of their liberty, sat by with the utmost calmness, like impartial spectators. Aratus fought bravely, and though wounded in the thigh by a spear, yet succeeded in effecting a lodgement in the city and in spite of the attacks of the enemy held his ground until nigh

m their victorious charge, and complained bitterly that, after having routed the enemy, and slain many more men than they themselves had lost, Aratus had allowed the vanquished to erect a trophy, he was stung to the quick, decided to fight rather than to allow the trophy to be erected, and after an interval of one day again led out his forces. When, however, he learned that the troops of the despot had been largely reinforced, and were full of confidence, he did not venture to risk a battle, but made a truce for the recovery of the dead, and retired. Yet he contin

placed guards upon all the roads, led the Ach?ans by so swift, well-managed, and orderly a march, that while it was still dark he not only reached Kleon?, but drew up his men in order of battle before Aristippus discovered their presence. At daybreak the city gates were thrown open, and charging with loud shouts to the sound of the trumpet, he at once routed the enemy, and pursued in the direction in which he thought Aristippus most probably was fleeing, the country being fu

red he became faint and dizzy, and that, after having arrayed his forces, given the word, and inquired of his lieutenants and officers whether they had any further need of his presence, when the die was finally cast, he used to retire and await the result at a distance. These stories had such an extensive currency, th

d a new and most glorious course, which was first to set himself free from hatred and terror and soldiers and life-guards, and next to become the benefactor of his country. He sent for Aratus, gave up his rule, and united the city to the Ach?an league. The Ach?ans admired his conduct in this matter so much that they elected him general. He now at once began to strive to outdo Aratus in glory, and engaged in many unnecessary enterprises, one of which was a campaign against the Laced?monians. Aratus opposed him, and was therefore thought to be jealous of him; yet Lydiades was a second time elected general, in spite of the open opposition of Aratus, who used all his influence on behalf of another candidate. Aratus him

suddenly seized Pellene, he was no longer the same man. He would not wait until his entire force was assembled, but with what troops he had with him at once marched against the enemy, who, after their victory, were easily conquered on account of their want of discipline and licentiousness. As soon as they made their way into the city of Pellene, the soldiers dispersed themselves among the various houses, driving each other out of them and fighting one another for the plunder, while the chiefs and generals were occupied in carrying off the wives and daughters of the citizens. They took o

n to be something more glorious than a mere mortal, while the enemy, who imagined that they beheld an apparition, were struck with terror and affright, so that none of them attempted to offer any resistance. The people of Pellene themselves say that the wooden statue of the goddess is never touched except when it is carried out by the priestess, and that then no one dares to look upon it, but all turn their faces away; for the sight of it is not only fearful and terrible for mankind, but it even makes the trees barren and blights the crops through

nus, with whose aid he seized the citadel of Corinth. This man, he says, attacked Peir?us on his own responsibility, and when the scaling-ladder broke and he was forced to fly, frequently called on Aratus by name as though he were present, and by this artifice deceived the enemy and escaped. This justification does not, however, seem a very credible one. There was no probability that Erginus, a private man and a Syrian, should have ever thought of such an enterprise, if he had not been urged to it by Aratus, who must have supplied him with the necessa

nt. The King of Macedonia also sent a ship, on board of which Aratus was to be brought back to him in chains. But the Athenians, outdoing themselves in levity and servility to the Macedonians, crowned themselves with garlands when they heard the news of his death. Enraged at this Aratus at once invaded their country, and marched as far as the Academy, but there he suffered his anger to be appeased, and did no damage. The Athenians did, nevertheless, appreciate his courage, for when on the death of Demetrius, they attempted to regain their freedom, they invited him to assist them. Although Aratus was not at that time gene

in the credit of this negotiation for himself, told Aristomachus that Aratus was really the bitter and implacable foe of all despots, persuaded him to intrust the management of the affair to himself, and introduced Aristomachus to the Ach?an assembly. On this occasion the Ach?an representatives gave Aratus a notable proof of their love and confidence in him; for when he indignantly opposed the proposition they drove away Aristomachus; and yet, when Aratus had become his friend and again brought forward the matter, they readily accepted his proposal, admitted the cities of Argos and Phlius into the league, and the following year elected Aristomachus general. Aristomachus, finding hims

allies of Kleomenes. He took the city, placed a garrison in it, and insisted on the resident foreigners being admitted to the franchise, thus alone gaining for the Ach?ans after a defeat, a success which they could hardly have obtained by a victory. When the Laced?monians marched against Megalopolis, Aratus came to the assistance of that city. He would not fight with Kleomenes, though the latter endeavoured to entice him into a battle, but he kept back t

was fighting for his country. Many brave men joined him, and with them he charged the right wing of the enemy, overthrew them, and pursued with reckless ardour until he became entangled in difficult ground, full of fruit trees and wide ditches, where he was attacked by Kleomenes, and fell fighting bravely in the noblest of causes, at the very gates of his native city. His companions fled back to the main body, where they disordered th

ny of the resident aliens to the franchise, he found himself an irresponsible ruler at the head of a large force, with which he at once assailed the Ach?ans, demanding himself to be acknowledged as their chief. For this reason Aratus has been blamed for behaving like a pilot during a terrible storm and tempest yielded up the helm to another when it was his duty to stand by it, even against the will of the people, and save the commonwealth; or, if he despaired of the Ach?ans being able to resist, he ought to have made terms with Kleomenes and not to have allowed Peloponnesus to fall back into the hands of the uncivilised Macedonians and be occupied by their troops, and to have garrisoned the citadel of Corinth with Illyrian and Gaulish soldiers, thus inviting into the cities, under the name of allies, those very men whom he had passed his life in out-man?uvring and over-reaching, and whom in his memoirs he speaks of with such hatred. Even

ople of Megalopolis to propose to the Ach?ans that Antigonus should be invited to assist them. It was the people of Megalopolis who were the greatest sufferers by the war, as Kleomenes constantly ravaged their territories. The historian Phylarchus gives a similar account of the transaction, though we could hard

them of treachery. Kleomenes regarded this message as a mockery and an insult to himself. He immediately retired, after writing a letter to the Ach?ans in which he brought many grave charges against Aratus. Aratus, in turn, wrote several letters to them assailing Kleomenes; and they abused one another so outrageously as not even to spare the reputation of each other's wives. After this, Kleomenes sent a herald to declare war against the Ach?ans, and very nearly succeeded in making himself master of Sikyon by the treachery of some of its ci

e Ach?an domination. The people ran together to the temple of Apollo, and sent for Aratus, being determined either to kill him or take him prisoner, before they proceeded openly to revolt from the league. Aratus appeared before them, leading his horse, without betraying any suspicion or alarm, and when many of them leaped up and showered abusive language upon him, he, with an admirable composure of countenance and manner, quietly bade them be seated, and not stand up talking loudly and confusedly but let in also those who were outside the g

o him. Yet Kleomenes considered that he had lost more by the escape of Aratus than he had gained by the acquisition of Corinth. Kleomenes was at once joined by the inhabitants

ians from offering any assistance, though they were eager to do so out of regard for Aratus. Aratus had a house at Corinth and some property, which Kleomenes refused to touch, or to let any one else meddle with, but sent for Aratus's friends and those whom he had left in charge of his property, and bade them keep everything in good order, as they would have to answer to Aratus for their conduct. Kleomenes also sent Tripylus and his uncle Megistonous to Aratus to negotiate with him, promising him among many other advantages a yearly pension of twelve talents, thus over-bidding Ptolemy by one half: for Ptolemy paid Aratus six talents a year. Kleomenes proposed that he himself sho

ile the women and children hung upon him weeping, as though he were the common father and preserver of them all. However, after addressing a few words of encouragement to them he rode away towards the sea, accompanied by ten of his friends and by his son, who was now grown up. At the beach they embarked on board of some vessels which were riding at anchor,

eg? to meet him, thus avoiding the enemy, although he had no great confidence in Antigonus, and distrusted the Macedonians. He felt that he owed his own greatness to the injuries which he had done them, and that his f

ed him not only above all other Ach?ans, but even beyond his own Macedonian courtiers. Thus was the sign which the god had given him in the sacrifice brought to pass: for it is said that a short time before this, Aratus was offering sacrifice and that there appeared in the liver of the victim two gall bladders enclosed in one caul. The soothsayer explained this to portend that Aratus would shortly form an intimate friendship with his greatest enemy. At the time he disregarded this saying, for he was always more inclined to follow the dictates of common sense than to be guided by prophecies and portent

ives rose in revolt before his arrival, attacked the troops of Kleomenes, and drove them to take refuge in the citadel; and Kleomenes, hearing of this, and fearing that if the enemy made themselves masters of Argos they might cut off his retreat, abandoned Corinth and marched by night to help the garrison of Argos. He arrived there before Aratus, and won a partial success, but soon afterwards, as Aratus was marching to attack him, and King Antigonus was coming on behind Aratus, he retired to Mantinea. Upon this all the cities of Peloponnesus again joined the Ach?ans, and Antigonu

is own, and not daring to use even that with entire freedom. It was clear that much of what was being done distressed Aratus, as for instance the affair of the statues; for Antigonus restored the statues of the despots at Argos which had been thrown down, and threw down all the statues of the captors of the citadel of Corinth, except only that of Aratus himself: and that, too, although Aratus begged him earnestly to spare those of the others. At Mantinea, too, the behaviour of the Ach?ans was repugnant to Hellenic patriotism, for having by the help of Antigonus captured that city, they put to death all the leading men, and of the rest they sold some and sent others to Macedonia loaded with fetters, while they made slaves of the women and children. Of the proceeds of the sale they divided one-third among themselves, and gave two-thirds to the Macedonians. Yet this ca

ing from the illness which caused his death, he sent the heir to his kingdom, Philip, who was now a mere lad, into Peloponnesus, advising him to pay the greatest attentions to Aratus, and through him to negotiate with th

d at this, and seeing that Timoxenus, the general of the Ach?ans, was acting slowly and without spirit because his year of office had almost expired, anticipated his own election as general by five days, in order to assist the Messenians. He assembled an Ach?an army: but the men were without military training and were destitute of warlike spirit. This army was defeated in a battle near Kaphy?, and Aratus, who was reproached with having been too rash a general, now fell into the opposite extreme, and showed such apathy a

tus, imagining that it was by his means that he gained his successes. Indeed it began to be thought that Aratus was able to school kings as well as he could free cities; for the impress of his character was to be traced in every one of Philip's acts. Thus the lenity with which the young prince treated the Laced?monians after they had offended him, his personal interviews with the Cretans, by means of which he gained possession of the whole island in a few days, and his brilliantly successful campaign against the ?tolians, all gained for Aratus the credit of giving good advice, and f

in their house and was treated as an honoured guest. Next, he began to treat the Greeks in a much harsher fashion, and evidently intended to rid himself of Aratus. His conduct at Messene first gave rise to this suspicion. The Messenians revolted, and Aratus marched to attack them, but Philip reached Messene one day before him, and when he entered the city stirred up the passions of the citizens by asking th

ed the reproof and was really of a moderate and statesmanlike disposition, he took the elder Aratus by the hand, led him out of the theatre, and proceeded with him as far as the summit of Ithome, to sacrifice to Zeus and to view the place, which is naturally as strong as the citadel of Corinth, and if garrisoned would become a thorn in the side of the neighbouring states, and quite impregnable. After mounting the hill and offering sacrifice, when the soothsayer brought him the entrails of the ox, he, taking them into his own hands, kept sho

and, yet you have not taken any of these, and nevertheless the people of those countries willingly execute your commands. Brigands cling to high cliffs and haunt precipitous places, but kings find nothing so secure as loyalty and goodwill. This it is that opened to you the Cretan sea, and the Peloponnesus. By these arts

had failed,598 returned to Peloponnesus, and, as he did not succeed in a second attempt to outwit the Messenians and to gain possession of their citadel, he threw off the mask and openly wronged them by ravaging their territory. Aratus now became quite estranged from him, and was misrepresented to him. He had by this time learned the domestic dishonour which he had sustained from Philip, and grieved over it, though he kept it sec

ds, to do this secretly, by poison if possible, during his own absence. This man gained the confidence of Aratus, and administered drugs to him, whose action was not quick and sudden, but which produced slight heats in the body and a chronic cough, and so gradually undermined his strength. He did not, however, do this without being disco

so great a man; but the people of Sikyon regarded it as a national misfortune that he should not be buried in their city, and prevailed upon the Achaeans to deliver up the body to them. As there was a law

ir Sikyon, hes

b to thy lost

nd, nay, curst

room for thy

y, and on the day upon which he freed the city from its despot, which is the fifth day of the month Daisius, or Anthesterion in the Athenian calendar, a sacrifice, called the thanksgiving for safety, is offered, and also on the day of the month on which Aratus was born. The former sacrifice used to be conducted by the priest of Zeus the Saviour, and the latter by the priest of Aratus, who wore a headband, not all white, but mixed with purple. Songs used to be chante

hospitality and of friendship, exacted a notable penalty from Philip for his wickedness, and pursued him throughout his life: for he was utterly defeated by the Romans, and forced to surrender at discretion to them. He lost all his empire, was obliged to deliver up all his fleet, except five ships, had to pay a thousand talents and give up his own son as a hostage, and then only was allowed, by the pity of his conquerors to keep Macedonia itself and its dependencies. As he always put to death all the leading men of his kingdom, and all his nearest

OF

o know how to obey require a noble nature and a philosophic training as much as those who know how to command. The events which took place at Rome after Nero's death prove most conclusively that nothing is more terrible than a military force which is guided only by its own blind and ignorant impulses. Demades, when he saw the disorderly and senseless movements of the Macedonian army after the death of Alexander, compared it to the Cyclops after he had been blinded; but the state of the Roman Empire resembled the fabled rebellion of the Titans, as it was torn asunder into several portions, which afterwards fought with one another, not so much because of the ambition of those who were proclaimed emperors, as through the avarice and licentiousness of the soldiers, who made use of one emperor to drive ou

uaded the soldiers to salute Galba as emperor, as though Nero were already gone. He promised to each of the pr?torians, or household troops, seven thousand five hundred drachmas, and to each of the legionary

After this they sought so eagerly for some one who would give them as much, that before they obtained the hoped-for bribe, their own treasons and rebellions proved their ruin. To relate each event ex

us and eminent men of the time. Galba was likewise related to Livia, the wife of Augustus, and by her influence he had been raised from the post which he held in the palace to the office of consul. He is said to have ably commanded the army in Germany, and to have gained especial praise by his conduct as proconsul in Libya. But when he became emperor, his simple and inexpensiv

and thus afforded them some relief while they were being condemned unjustly and sold into slavery. Many scurrilous songs also were written about Nero and sung and circulated everywhere, and as Galba did not discourage this, and did not share th

hen, however, Vindex openly raised the standard of revolt, and called upon Galba to accept the offer of empire, and constitute himself the head of a strong body-namely, the troops in Gaul, a hundred thousand armed men, and many times more men capable of bearing arms-Galba called a council of his friends. Some of them advised him to temporise, and watch the progress of events at Rome; bu

his power, not as C?sar or Emperor, but merely as the general of the Senate and people of Rome. That Vindex acted justly and on due reflection when he offered the empire to Galba, is proved by the conduct of Nero himself; for though he affected to despise Vindex and to regard Gaul as of no importance, yet as soon as he heard of Galba's rising, which was when he was at breakfast after his bath, he overturned the table. However, as the Senate declared Galba a public enemy, Nero, wishing to show his courag

orce in the empire, and who was constantly saluted as emperor by his soldiers and urged to assume the purple, declared that he would neither become emperor himself nor yet allow any one else to do so without the consent of the Senate. Galba was at first much disturbed at this. Soon the two armies of Vindex and Virginius, like horses that have taken the bit between their teeth, fought a severe battle with one another. After two thousand Gauls had fallen, Vindex committed suicide; and a rumour became prevalent that after so

Senate had declared Galba emperor: and that shortly afterwards a report was spread of Nero's death. The messenger said that he had not believed this rumour, and that he had not left Rome before he had seen the corpse of Nero. This news very greatly raised the credit of Galba, and a multitude of men, whose confidence in him had been restored by this message, flocked to his doors to salute him. Yet the ti

n guard to say that they must petition Galba to appoint Nymphidius as their pr?fect for life without any colleague. He was urged to even more audacious pretensions by the conduct of the Senate, who added to his fame and power by addressing him as their benefactor, by assembling daily to pay their respects to him, and by requiring him to propose and to ratify every decree: so that in a short time he became an object not only of jealousy but of terror to his supporters. When the consuls chose public messengers to carry the decrees of the Senate to the emperor, and had given them the sealed documents known as diplomas,604 at the sight of which the local authorities in all towns assist the bearer on his journey by relays of horses at each stage. Nymphidius was much vexed at their not having come

birth of Nymphidius, whose father was generally supposed to have been Martianus the gladiator, for whom Nymphidia conceived a passion because of his renown as a swordsman; and this belief was confirmed by the likeness which he bore to the gladiator. However, though he did not deny that Nymphidia was his mother, he nevertheless boasted that the dethronement of Nero was entirely his own work, and, not satisfied with having gained

th Gaul. He, however, according to his original intention, referred the choice of an emperor to the Senate; though when the death of Nero was known the soldiers renewed their solicitation of Virginius to make himself emperor, and one of the tribunes who attended him in his tent drew his sword, and bade Virginius choose between the steel and the throne. But when Fabius Valens, the commander of one legion, swore allegiance to Galba, and dispatches arrived from Rome containing an account of what the Senate had decreed, Virginius, though not without difficulty, prevailed upon his soldiers to salute Galba as emper

ed from Nero's stores sumptuous services of everything necessary for great banquets, and the imperial household servants. By this conduct Galba gained the reputation of being a magnanimous man, above any ideas of vulgar ostentation; but Vinius presently told him that this noble and patriotic simplicity seemed merely an artifice to gain popula

hich the Romans call the "Principia." For this outrage Caius C?sar imprisoned him; but on the death of Caius he was fortunate enough to obtain his release. Once when dining with the emperor Claudius he stole a silver cup. When Claudius heard of it he asked him to dinner on the following day, but when he came ordered the attendants to serve him entirely from ear

enjoyed by Tigellinus, it is our duty to send an embassy from the pr?torian guard to our chief, to inform him that he will be more acceptable to us and more popular if he removes these two of his friends from his court." As this language was not approved, for indeed it seemed a strange and unheard of proceeding, to lecture an old general upon the choice of his friends, as though he were a young boy just appointed to his first command, Nymphidius tried another course, and attempted to intimidate Galba by writing letters to him, in which he at one time declared that Rome was in an excited and disaffected condition, and at another that Clodius Macer had laid an embargo on the corn-ships in African ports, and that the German legions were risi

r in order to choose the best masters, but as though they were driven to commit one treason after another by some infatuation sent by the gods. Their desertion of Nero was indeed justified by his crimes; but they could not accuse Galba of having murdered his mother or his wife; nor could they allege that he had ever disgraced the purple by appearing on the stage. "Yet," he continued, "it was not any of these thi

lare of many torches, carrying in his hand a speech written by Cingonius Varro, which he had learned by heart and intended to address to the soldiers. When, however, he saw that the gates of the camp were closed, and that the walls were covered with armed men, he was alarmed, and, coming up to the gates, asked what they wanted, and by whose orders they were under arms. They all answered with one voice that they looked upon Galba as their emperor. At this Nymphidius wen

s, and Fonteius in Germany by Fabius Valens, acting under Galba's orders: yet in both these cases he had the excuse that he feared, them, as they were in open rebellion against him; but there could be no reason for refusing a trial to Turpilianus, an old and helpless man, if the emperor had any intention of carrying out in his acts the moderation of which he spoke in his proclamations. For all this, therefore, Galba was blamed by the Romans. When on his journey he arrived within five-and-twenty stadia (about three English miles) of the city, he met a disorderly mob of sailors609 who occupied the entire road. These were the men whom Nero had formed into a legion and treated as soldiers. They now wished to have their appointment confirmed, and pushed forward towards the emperor noisily demanding stand

not from the revenues of the state. He also demanded the restitution of the largesses, which Nero had bestowed on his favourite actors and athletes, leaving them only a tenth part. As he could scarcely get any part of the money back from them, for the major part being reckless profligates who lived only for the day's enjoyment, had spent it all, he began to search out those who had bought anything or receiv

the beginning

feeble took his fill of his fortune, as

edge.610 So, they argued, Turpilianus perished though he had committed no crime except that he remained faithful and did not betray a bad master; while the man, who first made Nero unfit to live, and then deserted and betrayed him, was still alive, an evident example that anything could be obtained from Vinius by those who could pay for it. The Roman people, who would have enjoyed no spectacle so much as that of Tigellinus dragged away to execution, and who never ceased to demand his head when they assembled in the theatre or the circus, were astonished at a proclamation in which the emperor, after declaring that Tigellinus was suffering from a wa

discontent, he made that remark, so worthy of a great commander, that "he was wont to enlist his soldiers, not to buy them," and this caused the soldiers to hate him bitterly, for they thought that, besides depriving them of what was their due, he was trying to regulate the conduct of future emperors towards them. Yet disaffection at Rome had not hitherto assumed any distinct form, for the awe inspired by the presence of Galba acted as a kind of check upon revolutionary schemes, and men concealed the dislike with which they regarded him because they did not see any distinct opportunity of effecting a change in the government. But the troops in Germany who had served und

s marriage with Popp?a, with whom Nero fell in love when she was the wife of Crispinus, and, as he had still some feelings of respect for his own wife, and feared his mother, made use of Otho to obtain her for him. Otho's extravagance made him a friend and companion of Nero, who was amused at being reproached by Otho for meanness and parsimony. It is said that once Nero scented himself with a very costly perfume, and sprinkled a little of it over Otho. On the next day Otho entertained Nero, when suddenly a number of gold and silver pipes squirted out the same perfume over them both as abundantly as if it were water. Otho seduced Popp?a for Nero, an

iness, and on the march to Rome he travelled for days together in the same chariot with Galba. During this journey, while he was so familiar with the emperor, he paid special court to Vinius, both by conversing with him and by giving him presents, and he firmly established his right to the second place in the emperor's favour by always yielding the first to Vinius. He was more successful than Vinius in avoiding unpopularity, for he assisted all petitioners to obtain their demands without taking bribes from them, and showed himself

. But Galba always preferred the good of the state to his own private advantage, and always looked, not to what was most pleasant for himself, but to what was best for Rome. It seems probable that he would never have chosen Otho even to be heir to his own estate, for he knew well his licentiousness and extravagance and his debts, which

and tore down the images of Galba, swore fealty to the Senate and people of Rome, and then dispersed. After this outbreak the officers began to fear anarchy among the soldiers as much as rebellion: and one of them spoke as follows: "What will become of us, fellow-soldiers, if we neither remain faithful to our present emperor nor yet create another, as though we had not merely thrown off our allegiance to Galba, but refused to obey any master whatever? As for Hordeonius Flaccus we must pass him over, for he is merely a feeble shadow of Galba; but within one day's march of us there is Vitellius, the chief of the army of Lower Germany, whose father was censor and thrice consul, and who can point to the poverty for which some reproach him as a shining proof of honesty and greatness of soul. Come, let us choose this man, and show that we know better than th

ch rain and darkness overshadowed the camp and the city, that it was impossible to doubt that Heaven did not approve of the adoption of Piso, and that no good would come of it. The soldiers were sulky and scowling, as not even on this occasion was any largesse given to them. Piso himself was admired by all who saw him, for as far as they could judge from his voice and manner he was not bewildered by his good fortune, although he was not insensible of it, while Otho's countenance bore manifest tokens of the bitterness of his disappointment, as he thought that Galba's refusal to appoint him after having chosen him and all but raised him to the throne was a clear proof of the emperor's dislike and hatred for him. Otho was not without fears for the future, and went away full of hatre

by Galba, and the murder of them both: for they perished on the sixth621 day after, which the Romans call the sixteenth before the Calends of February. Early in the morning of that day Galba was offering sacrifice in the palace, accompanied by many of his friends. The aruspex, Umbricius, as soon as he took the entrails of the victim into his hands and looked at them, said distinctly that they portended great disturbances, and danger to the emperor from a plot at headquarters. Thus was Otho all but delivered up to justice by the hand of God: for he stood close behind Galba and hea

n muttered to himself, "I am a lost man;" for several persons had heard what had passed, and looked on more in wonder than alarm, because of the small number of the conspirators. While he was being thus carried through the Forum, about as many more men joined him, and then others came up by twos and threes. At length they all faced around, and saluted him as C?sar, brandishing their naked swords. The tribune Martialis, who was on guard at the camp of the pr?torians, is sa

d at the evident interposition of Heaven. As a crowd of all kinds of persons now ran up from the Forum, Vinius and Laco and a few of the emperor's freedmen stood round him with drawn swords while Piso went for

, like a change of wind there came a rumour that Otho was at the head of the soldiers. And now, while in that vast crowd some called to Galba to turn back, and some to go on, some bade him be of good courage and others warned him to beware, and the litter was frequently shaken and swayed to and fro as if it were on a stormy sea, there suddenly appeared a body of horsemen, and then some foot-soldiers, who came through the basilica of Paulus, and loudly shouted to the people to take "that citizen" away. The populace took to their heels, but did not run away in fear, but posted themselves on the tops of the porticoes and on the highest parts of the Forum as though they were spectators at a public show. The civil war was begun by Attilius Vergilio,624 who tore down, the image of Galba which he carried on his staff, and dashed

aid to have cut off his head and carried it away wrapped in his toga, for being bald, it was difficult to hold with the hands. Afterwards, as those who were with him would not allow him to carry it so, but wished him to display his feat of arms, he stuck it on a spear, and ran along like a Bacchanal, brandishing aloft the aged head of one who had been a virtuous emperor, a pontiff, and a consul, often turning himself about and shaking the spear, down which the blood still ran. When the head of Galba was brought to

a thousand, each of w

es seven, when we com

to the emperor, all of whom afterwards Vitellius caused to be searched for and put to death. Besides these men, Marius Celsus came to the camp. Many at once accused him of having incited the soldiers to help Galba, and the mob clamoured for his execution. Otho, however, did not wish to ki

till lying in the Forum. As the murderers had no further use for the heads, they sold that of Vinius to his daughter for two thousand five hundred drachmas. Piso's head was given to his wife Verania,626 at her earnest entreaty; and that of Galba was given to the slaves of Patrobius627 and Vitellius, who subjected it

ny pretenders of that time some were declared by all to be unfit to reign, and some of their own accord withdrew their pretensions; but Galba was offered the throne and accepted it, so that his mere name caused the rising of Vindex, which had been regarded as a mere revolt, to be called a civil

school; but he put himself entirely into the hands of Vinius and Laco, who, just like the greedy crew that had surrounded Nero, sold ev

OF

t of itself to bear witness to his character. By these words both Otho and Celsus were thought to have done themselves equal honour, and were applauded by the soldiers. After this, Otho made a mild and gracious speech to the Senate. He assigned part of the time appointed for his own consulship to Virginius Rufus, and left in force all the other appointments to consulships which had been made by Nero or Galba. He gratified several persons of advanced age, or eminent i

es from which he suffered, while they regarded the foul debaucheries which he still even when dying continued to lust after, as a greater misery to him than death itself. Yet many thought it shame that he should still see the light of day, of which he had deprived so many noble spirits. Otho sent a messenger to the country house near Sinuessa, where T

eenth manipulus632 from thence. As Crispinus, while it was still dark, began to make preparations for the journey, and loaded waggons with the men's arms, some of the most daring soldiers openly declared that he had come with disloyal intentions, that the Senate meditated a coup d'état, and that the arms were meant to be used against Otho, not for him. As many took up this idea and became much excited, some seized on the waggons, others killed Crispinus and their own two centurions who tried to oppose them, and all, in confusion, calling upon one another to come to the rescue of C?sar, marched to Rome. Hearing that Otho was entertaining eighty of the senators at dinner, they rushed to the palace, exclaiming that now was the time to put to death all the enemies of C?sar at one stroke. The city was panic-stricken, expecting at once to be pillaged by the troops; the palace was filled with confusion and alarm, and Otho himself terribly perplexed as to what to do; for while he fea

ps in Dalmatia, Pannonia, and M?sia had, with their officers, declared for Otho. Soon also friendly letters reached him from Mucianus and Vespasianus, the former of whom was at the head of a great army in Syria, and the latter in Jud?a. Encouraged by these, Otho wrote to Vitellius, bidding him act like a loyal soldier, and promising that he would bestow on him a great sum of money and a city in which he might dwell in the utmost peace and happiness. V

them; and the statue of Caius636 C?sar, which stands upon the island in the Tiber, without any wind or earthquake, was turned round, so as to face east instead of west. This is said to have taken place about the time when Vespasianus openly pretended to the throne. Many also regarded the flooding of t

d been appointed to this post by Nero, and had been deprived of it by Galba), or because by the promotion of Sabinus he declared his good will and confidence in Vespasianus. He himself remained at Brixellum, a city of Italy situated upon the river Padus, and sent on his forces under the command of Marius Celsus, Suetonius Paullinus, and of Gallus and Spurinna, who were all generals of renown, but who, on account of the want of discipline of their troops, were unable to conduct the campaign, according to the plans which they had arranged. Indeed the soldiers of the guard refused to obey any authority except that of the emperor himself, for he alone, they declared, had the right to command them. Nor were the enemy's troops altogether obedient and well-behaved, but the same causes rendered them also swaggering and untrustworth

es, declaring that they had never seen or tasted of real war, but were full of pride at having cut off the head of an unarmed old man, meaning Galba, though they dared not come out and fight like men. The soldiers were so furiously exasperated by these reproaches that they eagerly besought Spurinna to employ them in whatever s

a man who neither spoke nor dressed like a citizen of Rome, but was harsh and overbearing, of great stature, wearing the Gaulish trousers and sleeves, and us

could satiate him; and he was even suspected of having been too late for the first battle of the war because he delayed his march to amass wealth for himself. Others blame C?cina, because in his haste to

ade. This plan was betrayed to Celsus by deserters. Celsus attacked them with the best of his cavalry, pursued them with caution, taking care to avoid the ambuscade, and then surrounded the troops in ambush, and threw them into confusion. He now sent for his infantry from the camp: and it was thought that if they had come up promptly after the cavalry, the whole army of C?cina might have been destroyed; but as it was, Paullinus brought them up slowly and too late, and tarnished his glory as a general by overcaution. The mass of the soldiers charged him with treason, and tried

ch it had led, were greatly enraged at not having been there in time to prevent so great a slaughter of their friends. Valens643 was forced t

r army as large as his present one to join him from M?sia and Pannonia, if he would only wait until it suited him to fight, and not play into the hands of the enemy by engaging prematurely. The troops, he said, after being so largely reinforced, would be no less confident than at present, when they are but few; indeed, they would fight with a great superiority of numbers. Besides this, delay would be all in their favour, as they had abundance of supplies, while the opponents, who were in an enemy's

es of success, and, worn out as he was with anxiety, he longed to let the matter be settled whichever way chance might determine, like a man who covers his face through dizziness at looking over a precipice. This is the account which is given by the orator Secundus, who acted as private secretary to Otho. Other645 authorities relate that many efforts were made by the soldiers of both armies to combine, and agree to elect an emperor from among their own officers: or, if this proved impossible, to place the election in the hands of the senate. It seems indeed rightly probable, considering the ill-repute of both claimants of the throne, that the m

a battle took place on the bank of the Padus, across which C?cina endeavoured to throw a bridge, while the Othonians tried to prevent him from doing so. As they did not succeed in this, they threw lighted sulphur and pitch into the boats which formed the bridge, and a wind suddenly springing up carried the fire across the stream towards the enemy. At first volumes of smok

nius Paullinus would not allow him to do so, thinking that the soldiers ought to have some rest, and not first be fatigued with a long march, and then while they were confusedly mixed up with baggage animals and camp-followers, be brought to fight against an enemy who could quietly and deliberately place themselves in order of battle. While the generals were at variance, one of the horsemen called Numidians rode up bearing a letter from Oth

orced to attack in detail, and in disorganised crowds. Two646 legions alone, that named "Rapax" on the side of Vitellius, and "Adjutrix" on that of Otho, were able to find a level plain, upon which they deployed into a regular line of battle and fought front to front for a long time. Otho's soldiers were active and brave, but had never been in action before, while those of Vitellius had fought many battles, but were somewhat elderly and past their prime. At the first charge the Othonians drove them back, and captured their eagle, killing almost every man in the front rank; but the Vitellians, filled with shame and rage, charged in their turn, slew Orfidius, the legate in command of the legion, and took many standards. The corps of gladiators, w

salia. All men, he urged, are equally liable to the caprices of fortune; but they have the advantage, even when defeated, of being able to form wise resolutions. By this reasoning Celsus convinced the generals: and when, on trying the temper of the soldiers, they found them desirous of peace, and Titianus himself bade them begin negotiations for agreement, Celsus and Gallus determined to go and discuss the matter with C?cina and Valens. On their way they were met by some centurions, who informed them that Vitellius's army was already advancing, and that they had been sent on before by their generals to arrange terms of peace. Celsus spoke with approval of their mission, and bade them return and conduct him to C?cina. It happened that when they drew near the army, Celsus was like to have lost his life: for the cavalry who formed the advance guard were the same who had been defeated in the ambuscade, and whe

us, a man of consular rank, who had fought under Otho not from choice but from necessity, showed me an ancient temple, and related that after the battle he came there and saw so huge a pile of corpses, that those on the top were level with the pinnacles of the roof. He said that he could not discover him

oul, until their last breath. While all besought him thus, one of the common soldiers drew his sword, and crying, "C?sar, this is what we are all prepared to do for you," stabbed himself. Otho, unmoved by any of these entreaties, gazed round upon them all with a calm and composed countenance, and said: "My comrades, your noble conduct and your loyal devotion make this a happier day to me than that on which you elected, me your emperor. Yet do not deprive me of the still greater happiness of dying for so many and such noble friends. If I am worthy to be an emperor of Rome, I ought not to grudge my life to my country. I am aware that our enemy's victory is not decisive or crushing. News has reached me that the M?sian legions have a

heer and not fear Vitellius, whose mother, children, and wife he himself had protected as carefully as if they had been members of his own family. He had wished, he said, to adopt the boy as his heir, but had put off doing so till the end of the war, meaning to make him his colleague if he succeeded, but not wishing to involve him in his own destruction if he failed. "My last charge to you," he continued, "is that you neither forget altogether nor yet remember too well that you have had a C?sar fo

, and had received every attention they could wish, he said, "Go now, and show yourself to the soldiers unless you wish to perish miserably at their hands; for they will suspect you of having assisted me to die." When this man was gone, Otho held the sword upright with both his hands and fell upon it, dying with only one groan, which apprised those without of his fate. The wailing of his slaves was taken up by the whole of the camp and city. The soldiers noisily forced their way into his quarters and lamented over him with bitter grief, reproaching themselves for not having guarded their emperor, and prevented his dying for them. None of Otho's body-guard deserted him, although the enemy was drawing near, but after laying out his body, and erecting a funeral pile, the

no one either by its size or by the pomp of its inscription. When I was at Brixellum I myse

l left in Brixellum; and the soldiers, hearing of this, let them go with the exception of Virginius Rufus, whom they greatly embarrassed by coming to his house under arms, and bidding him either take the command of them or at any rate act as ambassador on their behalf. Virginius, who had refused the crown when it was offered him by a victorious army, thought that it would be the act of a madman to accept

TNO

o Sparta, their mother city, to entreat assistance. The Spartan king, Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, perhaps ashamed of the nullity of his country since the Sacred War, complied with their prayer, and sailed at the head of a me

., Life of Lysa

., Life of Pyrr

, Life of Lykur

ii., Life of Lucu

ted temple of Poseidon a

ated at the junction of the Borysthenes and Hypania, near the Euxine sea. It was

the founder of the Sto

., that "The Laced?monians never ask how m

Polybius, ii. chap. 3;

foster-brothers of young Spartans, and eventually emancipated,

meals. See the article Triclinium i

tern harbour

e always spoken of as Argives. The celebrated Argyraspids, the silver-shielded regiment of Alexander, was destroyed by An

bout, watching the country, and enduring hardships: intended to season them against fatigue, and, unl

es to have been drawn from some sophistica

lemy Eue

succeeded his father, Pt

a splendid residence, containing extensive walks and courts for his amusement. His birthday, which was celebrated every year, was a day of rejoicing for all Eg

trasted with Biography appears pretty plainly from the first chapter of his Life of Alexander. A complete view of the events in the Lives of Alexander and Caius Julius C?sar would have formed, according to his notion, a History; but he does not aim at this completeness: he selects out of the events of their lives such as best show the character of the men, whether the events

g of the Life of Tiberius Gracchus is somewhat abrupt, after Plutarch's fashion. He had no regular plan for beginning and ending his stories, and thus he avoids the sameness which is so wearisome in a Dictionary of Biograph

d creditor by the short method of abolishing debts; and he proposed to restore the spirit of the old institutions by dividing all the lands in equal lots among the Spartan citizens, the chief class in the state; and by assigning lots also to the Peri?ki, who were in the relation of subjects. He carried the project for the abolition of debts,

f Lykurgus. But his measures were violent. He is charged with poisoning his infant colleague, the son of the widow whom he married, and with other wrongful acts. He was defeated at the head of the Spartan army by Antigonus in the great battle of Sellasia B.C. 222, and fled to Egypt, where he was kindly received by Ptolem?us III. (Euergetes) the king. Ptolem?us IV. (Philopator) the successor of Euergetes, put Kleomenes in prison, but he contrived to get out and attempted to make a revolution in Alexandria. Failing in the attempt Kleomenes killed himself. "In this manner," says Polybius, "f

he establishment of the Imperial power. Tiberius Gracchus, the father, was tribune of the plebs B.C. 187, consul B.C. 177 and a second time in B.C. 163: he was censor B.C. 169. Tiberius Gracchus had his first triumph in B.C. 178 for his victories over the Celtiberians in Spain while he was propr?tor of Hispania Citerior, or that division of the Peninsula which was nearer to the Pyrenees (Liv. 41, c.

ther, was not on friendly terms with Scipio, yet during his tribunate B.C. 187 he prevented Scipio from being tried on certain frivolous charges brought against him by the tribunes, and owing to this i

"if the letting loose the female was to cause the death of Tiberius, and letting loose the male was to cause the death of Cornelia, that he let either of them go. For Caius does not say that the haruspices said any thing of what would happen if neither snake was let go." To

B.C. 163, being driven out of his kingdom by his younger brother Euergetes, and he was well received by the senate. His brother also made a journey to Rome in the following year, B.C. 162. In B.C. 154 Ptolem?us Euergetes was at Rome for the second time, and he obtained the aid of the senate against his brother. Both the brothers may have seen Cornelia at Rome, but probably during the lifetime of her husband. Scipio Africanus, the son-in-law of Cornelia, was sent on an embassy to Alexandria to Euergetes B.C. 143. An Egyptian king might wish to strengthen himself at Rome by an alliance with the illustrious families of the Gracchi and the Scipios; but it is impossible to determine which of these two kings was the suitor. Philometor

e of his adopted father, P. Cornelius Scipio, to which was added, according to the usage, the name of ?milianus, which marked the gens to which he belonged by birth. It was after the destruction of Carthage that he acquired the additional name or title of Africanus, like his adoptive grandfather, from whom

boxer, and Castor distinguished for his management of horses and as a runner. Their statues w

the Roman orators addressed the public assemblies was called the Rostra, or the beaks, because it was ornamented with the beaks of the ships which the Romans took from the people of Antium. (Liv

"The Knights" (?ππ??) is directed against him. By his turbulent oratory he acquired some distinction

on in the text is quite necessary. The dolphins were probably ornaments attached to some piece of furniture. Plutarch gives the value in drachm?, the usual Greek silver coin, and the money of reckoning: the usual Roman money of reckoning

at. iii. 60) tells the same story somewhat differently. He says that this Licinius was a lettered man (literatus homo), and that he used to stand behind Caius Gracchus, yet so as to be concealed, with an ivory pipe (fistula), when Gracchus wa

me consisted of nine members, who filled up the vacancies that occurred in their body. A member of the college held his office for life, and the places were objects of ambition to all the great personages in the state. They were not appropriated to a class of priests: they were held by persons who had no other priestly character. Cicero, for in

opposed to all the pretensions of the plebeian order. He was consul B.C. 143. He did not long survive his son-in-law. Cice

ven to any person whom the censors thought most fit; and it was for the same person to be reappointed at each successive lustrum, that is, every five years. It was now merely an honorary distinction, though it had once been a substantive

em as well as he can, which he has done in this instance. The titles consular, censorian, p

his daughter Cornelia to Tiberius Gracchus the father. Plutarch has done best in following Pol

hich the Romans also used. In the Roman writers Africa properly denotes the Roman province of Africa, which comprehended Cartha

ouths of good family who went to learn the art of war, and were trained under the eye of the general, to whose table and intimacy they were admitted according to their deserts. Thus Agricola, during his e

abius Maximus Servilianus. He was the son-in-law of L?lius, surnamed Sapiens, or the Prudent. He wrote an historical work which Cicero sometimes calls a History (Brutus, c. 26), and sometimes Annals (Brutus, c. 21; De Orat

the enemy's wall. Plutarch appears to mean that Fannius also received one. Livius (26, c. 48) mentions an instance of

. 6.) The functions of a qu?stor were of a civil kind, and related, in the provinces, to the administration of the public money. He was a check o

37. Numantia, which gave the Romans so much trouble, was situated in Old Ca

people from the Celt?, who in the time of C. Julius C?sar occupied one of the three great divisions of Gaul. (Gallic War, i. 1.) The Celt?, at some unknown time, crossed the Pyrenees and mingling with the Iberi, formed the Celtiberi, a warlike race with whom the Romans had many wars, and over whom Tiberius, the father of Tiberius Gracchus, gained a victory. (Note, c. 1.) It is maintained by William Humboldt in his work on the original inhabit

ct; the Albani were between the Caspian Sea and the Iberi, who were their neighbours on the west. The great river Cyrus (Kur) flowed through Albania into the Caspian. Iberia was partly surrounded by the mountains of the Caucasus and it bordered on

assing under the yoke. The Roman senate rejected the terms which had been agreed on between the consuls and the officers of the army on the one side, and the Samnites on the other. It was not a treaty (f?dus) as Livius shows, for such a treaty could not be made without the consent of the Populus nor wi

he senate or in earlier times perhaps of the patrician body in their assembly, appears to be well established. Those who made the treaty with a Roman general might not know this constitutional rule, but the principle on which the Romans acted in such cases was sound, and the censure that has been directed against them as to their conduct in such

d not recover his civic rights by the fiction of postliminium, as a man who had escaped from the enemy could. (Cicero, De Oratore, 40.) But the subtlety of the Romans found a solution of the difficulty in th

tia after a siege of fifteen months, and totally destroyed it, B.C. 133, the same year in which his brother-in-law Tiberius Gracchus lost his life. (Velleius Paterc. ii. 4.

ended to defray a portion of the public expenditure. The plebs soon began to lay claim to a share in these lands, and a division of some tracts was made among the plebeians in the reign of Servius Tullius. The lands divided among the plebeians were given to them in ownership. The tracts of public land which were enjoyed by the patricians on the terms above mentioned, were considered, as they, in fact, were, public property; and the interest of the patricians in such lands was called a possession (possessio). Those who enjoyed the public land as a possessio were said to possess it (possidere), and they were called possessores, a term which often occurs in the first six books of Livius, and which Plutarch has attempted to translate by a Greek word (κτηματικο?). It is likely enough that the patricians abused their right to the use of the land by not always paying the

makes it impossible to examine it fully in a note. I propose

N.H. 18, c. 3; Floras, iii. 19.) They were also places of punishment for refractory slaves. The object of these places of confinement was also to prevent slaves from running away, and rising in insurrection. The slaves were placed at night in separate cells to prevent all communication between them. When the slaves broke out in rebellion in Sicily under Eunus, who is mentioned by Plutarch

ius, the son, the Wise or the Prudent, was also an intimate friend of the younger Africa

ected Tribune B.C. 133, and h

c. The two sons of Cornelia had a learned education and were acquainted with the language and philosophy of the Greeks, and it is probable that the moral and political speculations with which they thus became familiar, and the

enta, 197) to be the orator alluded to by Cicero (Brutus, 25). But this Postumius was too old to be a rival of Gracchus. Another of the same name was

s in his legislation. Crassus was consul with L. Valerius Flaccus B.C. 131. He was a soldier, a lawyer, and an orator. He lost his life in the war against Aristonikus in the Roman province of Asia B.C. 131. It is remarked that he was the first pontifex maximu

Sc?vola was suspected of doing so. After the death of Tiberius he approved of the conduct of Scipio Nasica, who was the active mover in this affair, and assisted in drawing up several decrees of the Senate in justification of the measure and even in commendation of it. (Cicero Pro Domo, c. 34; Pro Plancio, 36.) He was a great orator, but his chief merit was as a jurist. He was the father of a son still more distinguished as a

pinion of Cicero as to his acuteness. Some German writers assert that these speeches in Plutarch are either fabricated by him or taken from other writers; but assertions like these, which are not founded on evidence, are good for nothing. Plutarch gives the speeches as genuine: at least he believes them to be so, and

Carm. 1), which there also applies to the R

C?sar Octavianus and as the Emperor Augustus, was a descendant of Caius the second son of Cneius. Cicero, whose opinion about the Gracchi changed with the changed c

he election of two tribunes from the plebs. (Livius, 2, c. 33: compare Livius, 2, 56. 58.) The number was afterwards increased to ten, and this number continued unaltered. Only a plebeian could be elected tribune. The persons of the tribunes were declared to be sacred (sacrosancti). Their powers were originally limited, as above stated, to the protection of the rights of the plebs and of the individuals of the plebeian body against the oppression of the patrician magistrates. It is not possible within th

wer of the college of tribunes by gaining over one or more of the members; for, as Plutarch state

were originally not a part of the populus. In later times the word populus was often used loosely to express generally the Roman people, and the style and title of the Roman state was Senatus Populusque Romanus-The Senate and the Roman populus, which term populus in the later republic certainly included the plebs, though the plebs is still spoken of as a class. As the plebeians gradually obtained access to the higher honours of the state and to the consulship by a law of Licinius Stolo B.C. 366, a new class of nobles was formed out of those persons who had enjoyed those honours and out of their descendants. This class was called nobiles by the Romans; the word nobilitas denoted the rank or title of the class, but it was also used like our word nobility to express the body of nobiles. Livius uses this term even in the earlier books of his History, but perhaps not with strict correctness, for in some cases at least he makes the term nobil

ons. Cicero on one occasion (Pro P. Sestio, c. 45) attempts to give to the word optimates a much wider signification; to make it comprehend all good and honest people: but this is a mere piece of rhetoric. When a poor plebeian heard the optimates spoken of, he never imagined that it was intended to place him

he elections and the acceptance or rejection of legislative measures. Rome, in fact, was the centre of all political agitation, and the result of a revolution in the city generally determined the dispute between two rival factions. We have still to take into the account a very numerous class of slaves. It is probable that in the earlier periods of Roman history the slaves were comparatively few; in the later republic they became very numerous. They formed a large part of the wealth of the rich, and they were always a dangerous body to the state. The effect of employing slaves generally in agriculture and other occupations was, as it always must be, unfavourable to industry among free men. Slaves, also, were often manumitted, and though the son of a manumitted slave was in all respects on the same footing as a complete Roman citizen, if his father was made such by the act of manumission, yet persons of this condition, and especially those who had been liberated from slavery, were looked upon as a somewhat inferior class. Their connection with the powerful families to which they had belonged, also gave such families great influence in all elections; and as

struggling among themselves for political supremacy; there was an acknowledged aristocratical and an acknowledged popular party. But the leaders of both parties, with perhaps some few exceptions, were mainly bent on personal aggrandisement. The aristocratical class had a clearer object than the leaders of the popular party: they wished to maintain the power of their order and that of the senate, which was the administering body. The leaders of the popular party could have no clear object in view e

ii.) that the natural enmity which exists between the men of the popular party and the nobles (gli uomini Populari e i Nobili), proceeds from the wish of the nobles to command and of the others not to obey, and that these are the causes of all the evils that appear in states. He adds (iv.) that states, and especially those that are not well constituted, which are administered under the name of republics, often change their government and condition, but the fluctuation is not between liberty and servitude, as many suppose, but between servitude and licence. It is only the name of liberty which is in the mouths of

to the Greek poets, here alludes to a pa

in Bacch

ste will never

lmsley, 1. 317, 8

used, among other purposes, as the

Kaltwasser describes it as a walking-stick containing a dagger, and translates the passage, "he provided himself with a robbers' dagger, without making a

nd centuries, was called cista; and it was a basket of wicker-work or something of the kind, of a cylindrical shape. If Plutarch has used the proper word here, the preliminary proceedings were disturbed by the rich seizing or throwing down the vessels, out of which were to be drawn the lots for determining in what order the tribes should vote. The business had not yet got so far as the voting, which consisted in the voters depositing in a cista one of the tablets (tabell?), which were distributed among them for this purpose, and which were marked with an

uries, which were put in for the purpose of determining by drawing them out, in what order the tribes or centuries should vote. And accordingly he says that when comitia are spoken of, we never find urns or sitell? spoken of in the plural number. But he has not mentioned the passage of Plutarch. It may be difficult to determine if Plutarch conside

Mallius, for the Greek

each tribe. It seems to follow that each tribe had a cista to receive its votes. It is said, the practice was to count the votes when all wa

three men), decemviri, and so on. Some description was added to the name to denote their functions. There were triumviri agro

Wars, i. 13) calls

anslate the Roman word, cliens, by Pélat

. Nine oboli were a drachma and a half,

See c

of the tribunate of Gracchus. His kingdom comprised the best part of that tract out of which the Romans formed the

elf by a treaty with the Numantines and his subsequent behaviour about it.

e son of Metellus Macedonicus, which son was consul B.C. 123. Without doubt he means the father, who is mentioned by Cicero as an oppo

th Q. Fulvius Nobilior B.C. 153. (Cice

f note and passed off as genuine speeches. But this is either not one of them, or it has been managed with consummate art. The defence of Tiberius is a blot on his character. He could not avoid knowing that his arguments were unsound. To abdicate, which means to resign a Roman magistracy, was a different thing from being deprived of

5. Appian does not mention

er. Kaltwasser suggests that as it was now the summer season, the country people were busy in their fields and could not come to the election, which thus would be in the hands of the

tain signs and tokens give men the opportunity of knowing their will. The determination of these signs was reduced to a system, which it was the duty of certain persons,

at his projected attack on the Carthaginians would be unfavourable; but Claudius said that if they would not eat, they should drink, and he pitched the sacred

he Fulvii. As he was a friend of Tiberius, it is probable that a Ma

according to Appian (Civil Wars, i. 16), was assembled in the Temple of Fides on the Capitol. The circumstances of the death of Tiberius are told

t, we must suppose that Caius h

ut him. This strange punishment

d Valerius Maximus (4, c. 7) m

the kingdom. Publius Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives, who was sent against him B.C. 131, was unsuccessful, and lost his

inius Crassus Mucia

the name of Nepos; but what we have under his name is a

e completely subdued the Gall?ci (people of Galicia) and the Lusitani who occupied a part of

ximus B.C. 131 (c. 9); but the remark in the Epitome of Livius (lib. 59) that he was the first Pontifex Maximus who went beyond the limits of Italy is not true. The Pontifex Maximus, who was the chief of the college of Ponti

s from Homer's

also Plutarch's Life of

as situated between the Palatine and Capitoline Hills; it was surrounded by buildings and was the chief place for the administration of justice and for the public assemblies. To keep away from the Forum here means to take no share

ould become Qu?stor, Tiberius, who was Qu?stor before he was tribune, must have been ol

rdinia was made a Rom

stes and M. ?milius Lepi

Gracchus told his dream to many persons, before he was elected t

his territory was greatly enlarged by the addition of the dominions of Syphax and a large part of the Carthaginian territory. He was succeeded by Micipsa, who died B.C. 118. The Carthag

he had a Public horse. The censors summoned him to account for leaving his province, and, if he was not able to justify himself, he would be deprived of his ho

(xv. 12), and it is expressed with all the vigour of the best Roman style. A comparison of this fragment with the passages from the speeches of Tiberius Gracchus, which are given by Plutarch, is sufficient to show that Plutarch's extracts are genuine. T

nd as it was refused they rebelled. Fregell? was destroyed by L. Opimius the Pr?tor B.C. 125. Caius Gracchus was tr

the Campus Martius, or Field of Mars. Compare Marius c. 34.

o see and to affect the elections if they could. Caius was elected tribune B.C. 123, just ten years after his brother's tribunate. The consuls were Quintus C?c

tudied. Cicero says that his speeches did not receive the finishing touch; he left behind him many things which were well begun, but not perfected. The practice of revising speeches for the purpose of publicatio

hich means a Bill, a proposed Law, so called because the form of passing a law was to ask (rogare) the assembly if they would have it. The form of voting was to reject (antiqu

only another form of Provulgare) a proposed law; to give notice of a proposed measure and its contents. To promu

with P. Rupilius B.C. 132. He returned t

istinguished by their military talents, it was not only in respect of military fame that statues were erected; nor were they confined to men as we see in this instance. The daughter of him who conquered Hannibal, the wife of Tiberius Sempron

beyond the limits of a note. Part of the subject has b

s. They bore heavy burdens, particularly in the form of supplies of men and money for war; and they claimed as an indemnification the citizenship

n the annual elections and were members of the sovereign body. The consequences of such a measure might be easily foreseen: the treasury became exhausted, and the people were taught to depend for their subsistence, not on their industry, but on these almost gratuitous distributions of grain. This allowance, which was made monthly, added to the sale of their votes at the annual elections and the distributions on extraordinary occasions, of corn and oil (Dion Cassius, 43, c 31) helped a poor Roman to live in idleness. This system of distributions of corn, sometimes free of cost, being once established was continued all through the Republic and under the Empire. It was impossible to stop the evil, when it had been rooted, and in the crowded city of Rome under the Empire, it was an importa

before Gracchus proposed his law. According to Appian, his law gave the judicial power solely to the equites, who formed a kind of middle class between the senators and the people. But the equites were not a safe body to intrust with this power. To this body belonged the publicani, or publicans as they are called in our translation of the Gospels (Matt., ch. v., v. 47), who farmed the revenues in the provinces. A governor who winked at the extortion of the farmers of taxes would easily be acquitted, if he was tried for maladministration on his return to Rome. The equites at Rome had an interest in acquitting a man who favoured their order. Cicero remarks (In Verrem, Act Prima, 13) that the judices were selected out of the equites for near fifty years until the functions were r

ed body by lot (at least this was the rule sometimes) for each particular trial. A judge, generally the pr?tor, presided, and the

udicia is a difficult subject, o

ay be seen by inspecting the Ordnance maps. That from Lincoln to the Humber is a good example. It is conjectured that some of the strong substructions at

rds, which is less than the English mile. The subject of the stadium, which was the Greek m

122 with C. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Cicero speaks of an excellent speech of his against the proposal of Grac

Transalpine Ligurians. He was an orator of no great note, but an active agitator. He perishe

hus and the difficulties of carrying it into effect. He was found dead in the morning, and it was the general opinion that he was murdered. His wife Sempronia was suspected, and even Cornelia his mother-in-law, as well as C. Gracchus. C. Papirius Carbo, one of the triumviri for dividing the land

most impolitic measures of Gracchus. The colony of Gracchus appears to have been neglected, and the town was not built. At the destruc

e anniversary day of the foundation was religiously observed. On some Roman coins there is a representa

stotle (Politik, 4, c. 4), is a government in which the rich and those of noble birth possess the political power, being Few in number. But the smallness of the number is only

ose who tasted it. Pausanias (x. 17) says it is a plant like parsley, which grows near springs, and causes people who eat it to laugh till they die; and he supposes that

are genuine, and opinions are divided on the subject. Gerlach, in his essay on Tiberius and Caius Gracchus (p. 37

ian (Civil Wars, i. 25

s which were smeared with wax: the other end was used for erasing what was written and making the surface even again. The word was often used by the best Roman writers in a metaphorical sense to express the

ge caused by rubbing off, had a tacit reference to the majestas of the Populus Romanus. The majestas (majesty) of the state is its integrity, its wholeness, any diminution of which was an offence; and under the Emperors the crime of majestas, that is majestas impa

ills or eminences in Rome:

n (κηρ?κειον) of Plutarch, or the staff which ambassadors or h

s mercenaries in the Roman army, as we

by the later Greek writers in a sense the same or nearly the same as in modern times, to express a declaration on the part of t

it was called, the oldest br

ames are Greek, and the faithful slave was doubtless a Greek, of whom there were now many at Rome. They were valued for their superior acquirements and

ess of thieves, whose sacred place was beyond, that is on the west side of the Tiber, and that Plutarch appears to have confounde

33, c. 14) says it was the mouth that was filled with lead, and that Septimuleius had been a confidential friend of Caius. This was the first instance in Rome of

ies madness, desperation, or a desperate deed, by discord, for the sake of maintaini

gurtha, the illegitimate son of Micipsa's brother. The commissioners were bribed by Jugurtha and decided in his favour. Opimius and the rest of them were tried for the offence, B.C. 109, and banished. Opimius died in great poverty at Dyrrachium (Durazzo) in Epirus. (Sallustius, Jugurthine War, c. 134; Velleius, ii

l, B.C. 125, during which year he

aw after the gentile name of him who proposed it. The most important of the measures of Caius have been mentioned by Plutarch, with the exception of a law about the provinces. At the outbreak of the Social War, B.C. 91

red by a Roman governor. The term Italy, at this time, did not comprise the whole peninsula, but only that part which was south of the rivers Rubico and Macra. The primary meaning of the word is confirmed by its etymology; provincia is a shortened form of providentia, which also appears in the shape prudentia. Providentia signifies "foresight," "superintending care," and so forth; and it is formed on the same principle as beneficentia, benevolentia, and other Latin words which are of a participial character. The etymology of Nie

ular provinces were determined by the senate, it was in the power of the senate to give what provinces they pleased to the consuls, and so make the appointment either a favour or not. A law of Gracchus enacted that the two consular provinces should be determined before the election of consuls, and that the senate

o had just been elected Consul: he was a Novus homo, a new man as the Romans called him, who was the first of his family to attain to the high honours of the State, and he had obtained the consulship as a friend of the people, as a popular man (Popularis). In his treatise on Friendship and other of his writings, he gives a contradictory judgment of the Gracchi; he says that Tiberius Gracchus aimed at the kingly power, or rather in fact was king for a few months; he calls the two Gracchi degenerate sons of their father; he extols the murderers of Tiberius Gracchus; he commiserates the hard fate of Opimius after saving the state by putting Caius Gracchus to death. All this was written or said after he was consul, after he had done what the murderers of the Gracchi had done, after he had put to death Catilina and his accomplices without trial contrary to the constitution, contrary to a special law which Caius Gracchus had carried that no Roman citizen should be put to death without a duly constituted trial; after he had, like Nasica and Opimius, made himself a murderer by putting men to death without letting them be tried according to law; whether they were guilty or not, is immaterial; they were put to death without trial, contrary to a principle of justice which, before he became guilty himself, Cicero had maintained and defended. The acts of the Gracch

illas there. The house of Cornelia had many occupants. It became the property of Caius Marius (c. 34), then of Lucius Lu

ve adopted the reading of Sintenis (φυλατ

had nine heads. Herakles struck off its heads with his club, but in

, whose possession was dispute

the township of Thr

ow-scholar o

w quarter

ife of Cras

which Philip defeated the Athenians and B?o

heroic poem supposed to h

of the promontory of Pallene. Potid?a had been destroyed by Philip, B.C. 356.

ng with the Persian naval commanders in the ?gean, to obtain supplies for the war against

r. The two next months mentioned in the text correspond to the latter half of September a

en, where was a celebrated temple of Poseidon which was regarded as an inviolable as

reed, in the upper part of whic

of Demeter. For details s

vius being elected pr?tor B.C. 197, the first year in which six pr?tors were elected (Liv. 32. c. 27). It is said that Cicero never ment

iolanus took refuge when he left Rome (Plutar

the suffrage (suffragii latio) was not given to the people of Arpinum till B.C. 188 (Liv. 38. c. 36). The orator's grandfather lived to see his grandson born B.C. 106. Cicero's father belonged to the class of Equites. He spent the greater part of his life on his lands at Arpinum, near the junction of the Fibrenus with the Liris (Garigliano). He afterwards removed to Rome to educate his sons Marcus and Quintus, and had a house in the Carin?. Among his friends were the orators M. Antonius and Lucius Crassu

from some personal peculiarity, or from some other accidental circumstance. The mark on the nose is just as likely to be the origin of the name as the cultivation of the cice

se einen kleinen anwuchs oder warze in form einer solchen erbse, woven er den beinamen erhielt." But this is not a translation. Plutarch does not say that he had a wart at t

ero himself mentions his birthday (Ad Attic. vii. 5; xiii. 42). Plutarch's stories of his aptitude for learning might be collected from the mass of anecdot

assage in Plato's Republic, book

e power of prophecy (Pausanias, ix. 22). Strabo (p. 405, ed. Casaub.) says that he became a fish of some kind (κ?το?), a change more ap

ne on his own consulship, which was always a favourite topic with him. Of the translation of the 'Ph?nomena' of Aratus, which was made when he was a

ns to Rome in B.C. 88, at the time when the troops of Mithridates we

Q. Mucius Sc?vola, Pontifex Maximus, who was a distinguished jurist. The Pontifex was assassinated in the consulship of the younger Marius, B

8, &c., has given an accoun

ther of Pompeius Magnus (Life of Pompeius, c. 1. notes). Cicero

patron (Life of Sulla, c. 31, notes). Cicero's speech for Sextus Roscius Amerinus was spoken

He speaks of his leanness and weakness, and of the length and slenderness of his neck. His physicians recommen

the evidence of the senses was deceptive. The words "by the evidence and by the senses" are the exact copy of the original. Schaefer proposes to omit "and" (κα

Apollonius the son of Molo," simply Molo (see the Life of C?sar, c. 3, notes). Molo ha

s the chief St

one, ii. 56) shows that he knew what was the value of the oracle. But a man who despises a popular superstition may try to use it for his p

rned to Rom

speech in B.C. 76, before C. Piso as judex. The subject

art, was probably a Greek and a freedman of some member of the Claudia Gens. He was li

ποκριτ??. Oratorical action was therefore viewed as a part of the histrionic art

s the mark that it aims at. "If you mouth it," says Hamlet to the players, "as many of your players do, I had as lief the town crier had spoke my lines."-"Let yo

age. He discharged the duties of his office during B.C. 75. He speak

place of the adventure was Puteoli (Pozzuoli), B.C. 74, a place to which the Roman

year Pompeius Magnus and M. Licinius Crassus were consuls (Life of Crassus, c. 12). Hortensius, the orator, defended Verres. The ob

conduct the prosecution, his object being to get Verres off, and the Actio Prima, which is an opening of the whole case. Before the other speeches were deli

one of the Metelli. It seems that he was suspected of being of Jewish origin. Cicero's allusion to the h

the passage: "So solltest du hinter der thür mit deinen s?hne

which ?dipus solved is well known. This work of art w

dred millions of sesterces; but in the Actio Prima (c. 18), which was spoken after Cicero had been in Sicily to collect evidence, he put the amount at forty m

would not part with them. The story is that M. Antonius put his name in the proscription list, B.C. 43, because he would not give up his Corinthian vessels. He was put to death, but he die

dile in B.C. 69, with M.

a mistake in Plutarch'

ton, in his Life of Cicero, has mentioned all Cicero's

marriage is uncertain. Drumann conjectures that he mar

and during his administration he was guilty of illegal practices, for which he was tried and convicted (Cic. Ad Attic. i. 4). Crassus, who also belonged to the Licinia Gens, felt some sy

hick neck was considered by the Romans as a sign of a shameless man, and he refers to the Life of Marius, c. 29, where a like expression is used. Cicero's neck, according to his own

d the measure in a speech which is extant (Life of Pompeius, c. 30). This story of the accusation and defence of Manilius is unintelligible. C. Orchinius presided at th

s to the affair of Catiline, see the Lives of C?sar an

he Life of

the same effect, of the conspirators drinking of human blood,

of the tribune P. Servilius Rullus. Cicero made three speeches ag

nius in Macedonia, as Cicero was informed, and Cicero was also informed that Antonius declared that Cicero was to have some of the money that he was getting, and that Hilarus had been sent by Cicero to look after his share. Cicero was a good deal troubled, as he says, though he did not believe the report; yet, he adds, there was certainly some talk. Cn. Plancius was named to Cicero as the authority for the report. Atticus is requested to examine into the matter, and-not to apply to Antonius or to Plancius-but to

o had the equestrian census a select place of fourteen rows at the public spectacles, which were next to the seats of the senators. This unpopular measure was that which Cicero now spoke in favour of (Ad. Attic. ii. 1). Cicero's oration is lost, but a passage is preserved, says Kaltwasser, by Macrobius (Sa

y, see the Lives of C?sar

g that his true name was Mallius: that was merely a Greek form of Ma

debile, infirmo capite, alterum firmum, sine capite: huic, cum ita de se meritum esset, caput se vivo non defuturum." C

suls for the year B.C. 62. As to the trial of Murena for bri

Catiline. The usual form in which the Senate gave this extraordinary power is mention

subordinate persons were indifferent to him; with such frivolous and one-sided views he could not fail to confound persons." "Frivolous," is perhaps hardly the translation of Drumann's "leichtsinnig," but it comes pretty near to it. And yet the fact o

o Cicero or she went of her own accord is doubtful. Perhaps she expected to get something for

cero (Catilin. i. c. 5): "magno me metu liberabis, dum modo inter me atque

and the matter of the pr?torship are mentioned by Dion Cassius (37, c. 30, and the note of Reimarus). The meaning of the story about the ball is obvious e

Lives of Mar

dered suitable for the purpose of the conspir

o the proposed burning of the city, is

own was Vienna, now Vienne. According to C?sar's description (Bell. Gall. i. 6.) the Rhodanus in the upper part of its course separated the Helvetii from the Allobroges. T

oton is named Titus Vo

ember of the unreformed calendar in the

fe of C?sar, c.

confirms his supposition that Cicero had arranged all this affair with his wife, in order to work on the popular opinion. Middle

does not appear in any of

the conspirators. As to the speeches delivered on the occasion, see the Lives of C?sar and Cato, and the notes. The whole

d the conspirators would have had a chance of escaping also. There was no chance of securing the condemnation of the conspirators and involving C?sar in their fate. On the contrary, if C?

te should make a declaration that any man who proposed to set them at liberty, or to mitigate their punishment, should be considered an enemy of the State. Cicero (In Catilin. iv. 5) states the opinion of C?sar to

against Catiline. Some critics maintain that it is not genuine. Drumann,

prison that Rome then had, the Tullianum, where they were strangled. Five men were put to death. Nine had been condemned to death, but four had escaped being seized. Appian (Civil Wars, ii. 6) seems to say

ht early in B.C. 62, probably near Pistoria (Pistoia) in Etruria. It was a bloody struggle, hand to hand, and the loss on the victorious side was great. Dion says

yed the laws. He alludes to the oath that he did swear on the last day of December on giving up his office, in a letter to Q. Metellus Celer, the brother of Nepos (Ad Diversos, v. 2), and in his oration against Piso, c. 3. Manuti

epos, see the Li

is does not occur in the

a native of Mitylene, and he was living there when Pompeius touched at the island after the battle of Pharsalia (Life of Pompeius, c. 75). Cicero's son was attached to his master, and in an extant letter to T

ero in his Letters to Atticu

ys that Gorgias was useful to him in his declamatory exercises, but

appear which of th

ssed himself as if the Stoics considered "rich" and "good" as convertible terms. Cicero's repartee impl

are, he is "worthy of Crassus," if we take Axius as a Greek word. They can also mean, he is "Axius son of Crassu

is mentioned by Cicero (Ad A

e Life of Cr

a was consul with Cn. Cor

y pendants or earrings after the fashion of some nations at that time. Cicero meant to imply that he was not of genuin

qua

em, molles quod

, licet i

and the note

on of Cicero entitled Pro P. Sestio, in defence of Publius, who was tried in the year after Cicero's return on a charge of raising a tumult (de vi)

man's name is also

he Life of

roconsul in the Servile war in Sicily B.C. 100. In B.C. 88 he conducted the war agai

a person who may be called a contemporary of Cicero. A certain M. Aqu

ghters in marriage to Tydeus and Polynices, bot

. 70, he proposed the Lex Aurelia, which determined that the judices for public trials should be chosen from the Senators, Equites

parently from some Greek tragedian, is conjectured to allude to Lai

d as a public crier (pr?co). Such p

also applied to the public notices, now commonly called proscriptions, by which Sulla and the Triumviri declared the heads of their en

trigue of Clodius is told

the Greek text; but the meaning is n

that he was not at Rome. Kaltwasser has inserted the

been the oldest of the three sisters. Quadranteria is a misprint for Quadrantaria. This lady was the wife of Q. Metellus Celer, and was suspected of poisoning him. Cicero vents unbounded abuse upon her; and he also preserved the name Quadrantaria (Or. Pr

fe of C?sar, c.

ro's Letter to Atticus (i. 16): the other number in the common t

of the year were L. Calpurnius Piso, the father of Calpu

tticus (i. 19), speaks of C?sar's proposal to him to go as his legatus. It is difficult to imagine that C?sar made suc

oration for Cn. Plancius, c. 35; in the latter part of which oration he sp

and of Tullia. She was his wife at least as early as B.

uently spoke against this Piso, gives (c. 6)

vised Cicero to go (Di

ed. Bakius; and Ad Attic. vii. 3. Cicero

that he was required to move four hundred Roman m

femia. He had written to Atticus (iii. 3) to meet him at Vibo, but his next letter informed Atticus that he had set out to Brundusium. Cicero

, and the Notes). He was well received by the municipia which lay between Vibo and Brundus

n Macedonia, where Plancius then was in the capacity of qu?stor to L. Apuleius, Pr?tor of Macedonia. He reached Thessalonica on the 23rd of May (x. Kal.

ecorded in his own letters and in hi

ids us "Look within; for within is the source of good, and it sends up a continuous stream to those who will always dig there" (vii. 59). Cicero did not reverence his own soul, but he placed his happin

they are, and he must not take his notions of them from the affects of the many. "Things touch not the soul, but t

persons. The emperor both preached and practised. The statesman showed his

latine to the premises of the father-in-law of the consul Piso, in the presence of the people. Gabinius, the other consul, who was Cicero'

um, fortissimum, meique amantissimum oculis quaerebant, voce poscebant." Cicero adds that his brother being driven from the Rostra lay down in the Comitium, and protected himself "with the bodies of slaves and freedmen;" by which Cicero seems to mean that his slaves and freedmen kept watch over him till he made his e

valuation of his house at Rome (superficies aedium) was fixed at HS. vicies, or two million sesterces. H

h refers to is in the Oration to the Senate after his return (c, 15): "Cum me vestra auctoritas arces

Cato, c. 40, and Dio

ilo was condemned and went an exile to Massilia. His property was sold and it went cheap. Cicero was under some suspicion of being a purchaser; but the matter is quite unintel

shed B.C. 54. See

s had got the Senate (B.C. 52) to pass an order that no person should hold a province within five years after being consul or pr?tor. This was aimed at C?sar, if he should get a second consulship. Pompeius also wished to

swer was that he had none, and Cicero says that he believed he told the truth, for that no country was in a more impoverished state and nobody more beggared than the king. Cicero dunned the king continually with letters, but he was not particularly well pleased with his commission (Ad Attic. vi. 2). The end was that the king provided for the payment of about

rch has apparently derived some of the facts here mentioned from Cicero himself (Ad Attic. vi. 2): "Aditus

versos, xv. 4), he gives a pretty full account of his operations; and he asks Cato to use his influence to get him the honour of a

yists. The true name is M. C?lius (Cic. Ad Diversos, ii. 11), who was curule ?dile B.C. 51. The

50. He mentions (Ad Attic. vi. 7

mpeius and C?sar. Cicero's irresolution is well marked in his own letters; in one of which (Ad A

of another letter from C?sar (Ad Attic. x. 8), in which he urges Cicero to keep quiet. There seems to be no doubt that Trebatius had been employed by C?sar to write to Cicero and speak to him about remaining

enobarbus. See the L

ife of Pompeius

require it. Cicero apparently meant to say that it was as absurd to talk of men being

letter from C?sar before C?sar's arrival in Italy. The letter was written in Egypt (Cicero, Ad Diversos, xiv. 23; Pro Q. Ligario

ewhat more like him, for he tried to be on more sides than one, and met with the usual fate of such p

ant. The allusion of Plutarch is

pares himself to Dionysius, who after being driven from Syracuse is said to have opened a school at Corinth. Cicer

story of Laertes in the Ody

then on his road from Brundusium to Tusculanum. He orders his wife to have everything ready for him; some friends would probably be with him, and they

even worse than public affairs. According to his own account he was hardly safe in his own house, and it was necessary to strengthen himself by new alliances against the perfidy of old ones. Terentia may have been a bad housekeeper,

said to have attained the age of one hundred and three. Terentia had a large property of her own. There is no imputation on her character, which, for those times, is much in her favour. She had courage in danger and firmness of purpose, both of wh

Lex Voconia, which limited the amount that a woman could take by testament, the property was given to Cicero in trust to give it to her. The marriage turned out unhappy. In a letter to Atticus (xiv. 32), written when Cicero was alone in the country, he says that Publilia had written to pray that she might come to him with her mother; but he had told her that he preferred being alone, and he begs Att

the time of Tiberius, married Cicero's widow, and Middleton supposes th

tached to him. Cicero's letters to him are in the sixteenth book of the Miscellaneous Collection. It is said that Tiro collected

Her third husband was P. Cornelius Dolabella, a patrician. It seems that she was separated from Dolabella before she died. Tullia did not die in Rome, but at her father's house at Tusculum, in February,

f C?sar's death, and the events which follow, are told in the Lives of C?sa

those who grant the amnesty have the power, and that those to whom it is granted are in subjection to them, or have not the political power which the authors of the amnesty assume. After

e temple of Tellus: "In quo templo quantum in me fuit jeci fundamenta pacis, Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum: Gr?cum etiam verbu

ntonius, and in the next year, B.C. 43, he was in Syria as governor. Cassius, who was also in Syria, attacked Dolabella an

e last day of August (Ad Diversos, xii. 25; Ad Attic. xvi. 7; Philipp. i. 5; v. 7). Cicero in the passage last referred to speaks of the violent measures of Antonius; "huc etiam nisi venirem Kal. Sept. fabros se missurum et domum meam disturbaturum esse dixit." On the second of September h

Cicero. The dictator by his testament left him a large property and his name. Accordingly he is henceforth called C. Julius C?sar Octavianus, but he is better known as the future Emperor Augustus. At the time of the Dictator's a

Life of Antonius, c. 15, in round numbers at 4000 talents. The Septies Mil

d husband L. Marcius Philippus. She just liv

after her husband's death; the object of the rule was to prevent the paternity of a child from being doubtful. Plutarch correctly states the time at ten months (Life of Antonius, c. 31). If Octavia was then with child, as Dion Cassius says (48. c. 3), the reason for the r

m, xvi. 8). He gave the men five hundred denarii apiece, about eighteen pounds sterling, by way of bounty, and led them to Rome. These men were old soldiers, well trained to their work. The you

ream another dream. Cicero dreamed that Octavius was let down from heaven by a chain of gold, and was presented with a whip by Jupiter. Suetonius (Octav. C?sar, c. 94

ed by those who knew how to handle him. There is a letter from Brutus to Cicero (Ad Brutum, 16), and one of

at the time when the first chapter was written. The poet Horatius was there at the same time. When M. Brutus came to At

esieged by Antonius. Cicero had recommended the Senate to give C?sar the authority of a commander. C?sar received a co

82). The testimony of the tenth letter to Brutus (Cicero Ad Brutum, 10) is not decisive against other evidence. C?sar came to Rome in August, B.C. 43,

C. 78, was consul in B.C. 46, with C. Julius C?sar. He was elected Pontifex Maximus after C?sar's death: he had been declared an enemy of the State by the Senate, but C?sar had compelled the Sen

a slight unm

e sent on

scribed by Dion Cassius (46. c. 45), and here they formed a triumvirate for five years. The number of the proscribed, according to Appian, was

ee Drumann (?milii). Paulus was allowed to escape to M. Brutus, by the favour of some soldiers. He was as insignificant as his brother the Trium

r. He left the city before the arrival of the Triumviri in November, and apparently when the bloody

r Astura a small stream, Fiume Astura, flows into the sea. Cicero had a villa here.

same, on which they were parted and murdered at the same time. Dion Cassius (47, c. 10) gives a different sto

Cicero's mind is powerfully depicted in his irresolution. The times were such as to make even a brave man timid, but a true philosopher would have

ro had a villa at Formi?, near Caieta, his Formianum, which he ofte

beautiful bay of Gaeta. There are numerous remains about the site of Formi?, which of course are taken for Cicero's villa. The site was doubtless nea

tary tribune, whom Cicero at the request of M. C?

murderers. Appian's narrative (Civil Wars, iv. 20) is that L?nas drew Cicero's head out of the litter and struck

of December, B.C. 73, being n

ppian, Civil Wars, iv. 20). Though he hated Cicero and with good reason, such a brutal act is not credible of him, nor is it consistent with the story of the head being fixed on the Rostra; not to mention other reasons against the story that might be urged. Dio

The story about Philogonus is

of T. Pomponius Atticus, the friend of Cicer

us, the sons of C?sar's daughte

ards proconsul of Asia. The time of his death is unknown. Cicero's son had neither ambition nor ability. All that is certainly known of him is that he loved

does it affect to estimate with any exactness his literary merit. But there is not a single great defect in his moral character that is not touched, nor a virtue tha

at human life teaches-that all men have their weaknesses, their failings and their vices, and that no intellectual greatness is a security against them. "It is not absolutely railing against anything to proclaim its defects, because they are in all things to be found, how beautiful or how much to be coveted soever" (Montaigne). The failings of a great man are more instructive than those of an obscure man. They exhibit the weak points at which any man may be assailed, and in some of which no man is impregnable. Cicero's writings have made us as familiar with him as with the writers of our own country, and there is hardly a European author of modern times

aborious life of Cicero is by Drumann (Geschichte Roms, Tullii), in which all the authorities are collected. In the 'Penny Cyclop?dia' (art. 'Cicero') there is a good sketch of Cicero's poli

ma tog?, conceda

ecause many of the

Augu

of those who dealt in these insurances,

Greek word for ?dile, but we know t

f Asia, was the son of Philip of Elymiotis. He

r. Carm.

in procession through Athens at the Panathenai

s plant of the c

also in Smith's 'Dict. of Antiq.' art. 'Helepolis.' See al

eighed 100 dra

ich is probably meant, wei

y, in which the foam on the dog's mouth was made by a happy throw of the sponge, whil

phew of De

not to continue his flattery of Demetrius

chief minister

ee Smith's 'Dict. of An

e name of a fabulous monst

on of this story will be found

Thracian C

l city of Seleuk

yre and

corn-measure, contai

taining a sixth of a med

ly assigned to the principal

, Antipater's y

amed Gonatas, afterwa

t city in B?otia, which seems to have quickly re

O. K

ii., Life of

See

f Ptolemy, K

B.C.

s told in the Lif

editerranean against the pirates. He attacked the Cretans on the ground of their connection with Mithridates; but he lost a large part of his fleet, and his captured men were hung on the ropes of their own vessels. He died shortly afte

e Life of Ci

. See the Life of C?sar, c. 58. The amount of debt is stated by

end of B.C. 58. Gabinius and L. Calp

ner and sent him to Rome, whence he contrived to make his escape, B.C. 57.

is mentioned in the Life of the younger Cato, c. 35, and in the Life of Pompeius, c. 49. During hi

h the Serbonian lake was connected with the Mediterranean. This lake lay on the coast a

gyptians, but his influence in the time of Herodotus must have been sma

led the same sea Rubrum. In Herodotus the Red Sea is called the Arabian Gulf

he regal power with her. Probably Antonius had known Archelaus in his youth, for Archelaus the father went over from Mithridates to the Romans.

ristic appears on t

enty thousand," he means drachm?, as observed in previous notes, and he considers drachm? as equivalent to Roman Denarii. Now a Denarius is four sesterces, and 25,000 Denarii = 1,000

om the second British expedition. In B.C. 53 Antonius was again at Rome, and in B.C. 52 he was a Qu?stor, and returned to C?sar i

e Life of Pompeius, c. 58, a

; but Drumann conjectures that he may have been a cousin. After the defeat

Helena Trojanis, sic iste huic reipublic? causa belli, causa pestis atque

in this chapter, compare th

49. Early in B.C. 48 he crossed over from Brundusium to the Il

ould appear that he set out about the same time as Antonius. Drumann (Cornificii, 3) states that the time of his leaving Italy is incorrectly stated by Plutarch, Appian, and Dion Cassiu

us from crossing over to Macedonia. He was the father-in-law of Sextus Pompeius, the son of Pompe

he Life of

he settlement of accounts between debtor and creditor. A modern nation has a permanent court for "the relief of insolvent debtors;" and a few years ago a statute was passed in England (7 & 8 Vict. c. 96), which had the direct effect of cancelling all debts under 20l.; the debtors for whose relief it was passed were well pleased, but the creditor

second. Cicero's chief testimony against Antonius is contained in his

favourite of Volumnius. Cicero (Ad Div. ix. 26) speaks of

.C. 43 (c. 20). After the death of Clodius she married C. Scribonius Curio, the friend of Antonius, by whom she had one son, who was put to death by C?sar after th

the battle of Munda. He was consul for the fifth time in B.C. 44 with Ant

he Life of

fe of C?sar, c. 67,

nor is it at all improbable that the speech of Antonius was published (Cic. Ad Attic. xiv. 11). Meyer (Oratorum Romanorum Frag. p. 455) considers this speech a fiction of Dion and to be pure declamation. He thinks that which Appian has made

the dead had to pass; hence the application of the term is intelligible

sed's property, credits and debts, was the same person as himself. There was no risk in taking the inheritance on account of debts, for C?sar left enormous sums of money: the risk was in taking the name and with it the wealth and

e Life of Ci

of Cicero, c. 45. As to the speech of

ppian, Civil Wars, iii. 83; Dion. Cass. xlvi. 51, &c.; Letter of Munatius Plancus to Cicero, Ad Div. x. 17; Letter of Lepidus to Cicero, Ad Div. x. 34.) L

or any equivalent term th

e Life of Ci

ates how they divided the empire am

P. Servilius Isauricus. When he quarrelled with Fulvia, he se

bout 300 senators and 2000 equites. The object of the proscription was to get rid of troublesome enemies and to raise money. The picture which Appian gives of the massacre is as horrible a

osits, which the depositary was legally bound to give to the owner, but they seized th

Brutus, c. 41, &c., as to

Life of Brut

41 he was engaged in a civil war with L. Antonius, the brother of Marcus, and Fulvia the wife of Antonius. These are t

tor in B.C. 43, an

Strabo (xiv. p. 648, ed. Casaub.). It is not in modern times o

ion is from the

. As Omestes he was the "cruel;" and as Agrionius the "wi

f a soldier, for he successfully opposed Lab

l as not to know a wise man from a foolish: which is sometimes the case. But there is flattery, as Plutarch intimates, which addresses itself, not in the guise of flattery, but in the guise of truth, one of the characters of which is plain speaking. It is hard for a man in an exalted station t

c. 59. Kaltwasser conjectures that he may be the Dellius or Delius

in Homer (Iliad, xiv. 162) where Jun

f Pompeius" must be an interpolation, because nothing is known of his amours with Cleopatra. But if this b

ra paid him this visit, B.C. 41. Shakespere has used this pas

sat in, like a

the wat

le enough that she was familiar, but we can hardly believe that she took pains to learn the barbarous language of the wretched Troglodyt

handsome. On some of them she is repr

in Gaul and afterwards went over to Pompeius (Life of C?sa

he had accomplished his mission; and he stayed with the Parthians. In the campaign here alluded to Labienus and the Parthians took Apameia and Antiocheia in Syria. Labienus, afte

was a town of t

edicine. We have here an anecdote about Antonius which rests on mo

such a syllogism. I have translated πω? πυρ?ττων, like Kaltwasser, "We

that Philotas was appoin

ich Plutarch alludes is

se times in dried fish from the Pontic or

from Brundusium. He left her sick at Sikyon, and crossed from Corcyra (Corfu) to Italy. (Appian, Civil Wars, v. 52-55.) Brundusium shut her gates against him, on which he commenced the siege of the city. The war was stopped by the reconciliat

Life of Cicero

was in B.C. 39, at Cape Miseno, which is

Rome. The consequence was a famine and riots in the city. (Appian, Civil Wars, v. 67, &c.) Antonius slaughtered many of the rioters, and their b

war (Dion Cass. xliii. 51), and he appeared in the triumphal procession of Pompeius Strabo (Dion Cass. xlix. 21). The captive lived to figure as the principal person in his own triumph, B.C. 38. In his youth he supported himself by a mean occupation. Hoche,

, as it used to do an Englishman.

fferently Hyrodes or Orodes (s

acy. Labienus lost his life and the Parthians were defeated; and that was enough for h

occasion the title of the young Bacchus, and they betrothed the goddess Minerva to him. Antonius said he was well content with the match; and to show that he was in earnest he demand

nd this is probably what Plutarch calls Clepsydra, or a water-clock. The name Clepsydra is given to a spring in Messenia by Pausanias (iv. 31). Kalt

f Horace (Carm. iii. 6) in which he mentions Pacorus seems to have been written bef

the Euphrates, afterwards the birthplace of Lucian. This Antiochus was attacked by Pompeius B

He took the island and town of Aradus on the coast of Phoenice (B.C

aign against the Iberi of Asia is d

he events of this meeting are circumstantially detailed by Appian (Civil Wars,

f C?sar, and afterwards the husband of his daught

e light ships, such as pirates

Pompeius was defeated on the coast of Sicily. He fled into Asia, and was put to death

ich Plutarch alludes is

Sea or the Mediterranean. Kaltwasser proposes to alte

ius Magnus had done. (Life of Pompeius, 39; Dion Cassius, xlix. 22, and the notes of Reimarus.) Antigonus was ti

alludes to some laws o

(see the Life of Crassus, c. 33). This Par

ant a man a country, or a town and its district, for his maintenance and to admin

ians, "to send a right hand" was an offer of peace and friendshi

in the northern part

here or in c. 50. See the notes of Kaltwasser and Sintenis: and as t

Iberians of S

rt of Media, and it comprehended th

raaspa, which may be the right name. The position of the pl

rus says in a note to Dion Cassius (xlix. 25) that Plutarch states that Pol

ife of Cras

slates "those who were most acquainted with

the son of Domitius who was taken by C?sar in Corfinium (Life of C?sar, c. 34); an

the south coast of the Caspian, where

oute is not designated any further than this, that Antonius had to pass through a plain and desert country. It is certain that he advanced considerably east of the Tigris, and

y the slingers (fundito

eading is ?π' ο?ρ??, "from the rear." Se

an practice. Compare the

nis refers to the Life of Crassus, c. 25. See life

Dion Cassius (xlix. 30). The testudo was also used in assaulting a city or wall. A cut

eckoned at about 9-3/4d. (Smith's Dict. of Antiquities.) But the scarcity is best shown by the fact that barley bread was as d

rus from the plain of Cunaxa over the highlands of Armenia to Trapez

m here spoken of is one that flows near Tabriz and then joins another river. If this were the only salt st

, about thirty miles above the entrance of the united stream into the Caspian Sea. Mannert, quoted by Kaltwasser, conjectures that Antonius crossed the river at Julfa (38° 54' N. lat.). It is well to call it a conjecture.

the Araxes. After the triumph, Artavasdes was kept in captivity, and he was put to deat

e Dion Cassi

tten both Phraates an

nt to Athens

an king with whom Antonius made this marriage alliance (B.C. 33) was also named Artavasdes. Ale

s not clear, but it may be collected from the contex

and upright part of the tiara; and sometimes to be used in the same sense as tiara. T

nst C?sar. But this feeble man was compelled to surrender. He was deprived of all power, and sent to live in

on of Amiot in place of t

n B.C. 32. Antonius spent the wint

by Dion Cassius (l. 10). They show to what a

t is hard to rouse them; and their patien

east with men of rank, to deposit their

said to have been destroyed during the Ale

nius in consequence of losing some wager was required to do this servile act; and accord

e was a legatus under M. Antonius in Asia in B.C. 35. Here Plutarch represents him as a partizan of C?sar. If Plutarch's Furnius w

, who was consul B.C. 39 w

o may be different persons. As to the Roman Delici? s

clared only against Cleopatra, but that Antonius was

Pesaro i

Pausanias,

us, king of the Galatians:" and Schaefer

nta. The width of the entrance of the gulf is about half a mile. Nicopolis, "the city of Victory," was built by C?sar on the northern side of the gulf, a few mi

p a pot with, a ladle or something of the

ho had the centre of C?sar's line (c. 66). C. Sossius commanded the left of the line of Ant

here, but the general meaning is probably

dapted for quick evolutions. Hor

nis inter a

propugn

e Peloponnesus, in Laconica. The moder

behaviour after the battle. He exacted money from the c

considerable distance, for this Antikyra was on the Corinthian gulf, nearly south of Delphi. This anecdote, which is suppo

armarica. It had a port and was fortified, and thus served

e Life of Br

gave up his troops to Cornelius Gallus, who advanced upon him from the provinc

Egypt. The width of the Isthmus is much more than 300 stadia: it is about seventy-tw

ulf or modern Red Sea was considered a part of the great Erythr?an Sea or Indian Ocean. Herodotus (ii. 11) says that there is a gulf which

e Life of Po

xandria, and connected with it by a dike calle

ject of Timon, and Lucian has a dialogue entitled "Ti

hesteria. The first day was Pith?gia (πιθοιγ?α) or the tapping of the jars of

etimes called the Great. He was not at the battl

had attained full legal capacity. The pr?texta, which was worn up to the time of assuming the toga v

ered as an Alexandrine. The son of An

ose that it is the poisonous snake which the Arabs call El Haje, which measures from t

l to be Alexander the Syrian,

red celebrity as a rhetorician and historian. He was a favourite of Asinius Pollio and of Augustus; but he was too free-sp

candalous story, says that C?sar made love

diers, who had not received their promised reward. He returned to Brundusium, where he stayed twenty-seven days, and he went no further, for hi

s at the festivals. See the

ti mens tre

of August (Orosius, vi. 19). The treachery of

re Dion Cas

He appears to be the person to w

communicated to C?sar the death of Antonius, w

fterwards governor of Egypt; but he incurred the displeasure of Augustus, and put an end to life B.C. 26

and much admired by Augustus (Dio

t is mentioned in the Life

n are not told in the same way by Dion Cassius (li. 15). Ant

borrowed from Home

?ν πολυκ

mpetitor with C?sar at Rome, for he was not a Roman citizen. As it was

ubject for embellishment with the writers of spurious history. The account of Plutarch is much

the son-in-law of Cicero, and one of C?sar's murderer

technical meaning. Young men of rank, who were about the person of a com

ylli, serpent charmers, to suck out the poison (compare Lucan, Pharsal. ix. 925). If a pers

h does not seem to state positively that there were any. The "hollow comb" is hardly intelligible. Plutarch's word is κνηστ??, "a scraping instrument of any kind." One MS. has κιστ??, "a small coffer." Strabo (p. 79

avi sacris ad

cultum membra

ra with the asp on her arm. There was also a

lem?us, whose wife she was to be. Antonius first saw her when he was in Egypt with Gabinius, and he had not forgotten the impression which the young girl then made on him at the time when she visited hi

e of the beautiful traits of her character. She is one

a, by whom she had a son Ptolem?us, who succeeded his father, and a daughter Drusilla, who married

a. In B.C. 10, Antonius was consul. He formed an adulterous intercourse with Julia, the daughter of Augustu

s Lucius had by Antonia a son, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who married Agrippina, the daughter of C?sar Germanicus. Agrippina's son, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was adopted

s Nero. Tiberius had divorced his wife Livia in order that Caesar Octavianus might become her husband. The vi

αν??, "like a madman" in place of ?πιφαν??, "with distinction." Perhaps Plutarch's meaning may be something like what I have given, and he may allude to the commencement of Calig

would be an idle impertinence. He is portrayed cle

it begins the Monarchy, as Plutarch would call it, or the

Of A

o's slavery are discussed in Grote's

stomache

l northerly win

ms to correspond to our "grace after me

r out the sense of a "vessel of burden." The passage in Pindar merely states that the snake which Jason slew was as big or bigger than a πεντηκ?ντορο?. Herod, ii. 163, distinctly says "not ships of burden, but penteconters." In Eur. I.T. 1124, the chorus merely remark that Iphigenia will be borne home by a penteconter, while Thucydides (i. 14) explicitly states that, many generations after the Trojan war, the chief navies of Greece consisted of but few triremes, and chiefly of "penteconters or of long ships equ

st of Africa, in the mouth of the Lesser Syrtis, united by a br

which is singularly near in so

arks "The statue and sacred ground of Apollo Temenites was the most remarkable feature in this portion of Syracus

Cicero as broad, straight and long; which was unu

a, and was therefore easily cut off by a ditch and palisade acros

in modern times would be c

(twenty triremes, three transports and 1500 soldiers) appears more probable. It is difficult otherwise to explain the number of ships which the Syra

doubt means Syracusan citizens, though at first this passage looks as if strangers w

his room, saw the apparition behind the columns on the other. An outside portico was a very unusual appendage to a Greek house, and Dion's house is said to have been especially s

s race was extinct in his two sons (Liv. ii. 1-4; Drumann, Junii

Uticensis; for her second husband she had Q. Servilius C?pio, by whom she became the mother of Servilia. M. Junius Brutus, the father of this Brutus, was the first husband of Servilia, who had by her second husband, D. Junius Silanu

. The story belongs to B.C. 439; and it is told by Livius, i

The parentage of M. Junius Brutus, the father o

e Life of Lu

mentions Ariston, which is probably the t

ng more is

Sch?fer, note. Kaltwasser follows the reading πρ?? τ?

fe of the Younge

σχολαστ??) to mean "one who is enga

ter Sulla's death Pompeius (B.C. 77) marched against Brutus, who shut himself up in Mutina (Modena). A mutiny among his troops compelled

this chapter is to the outbreak b

oneously in place of Cilicia: this is probably an error of the copyists, who often c

s not a matter of regret, any further than so far as it might have supplied some deficiencies in the present text of Polybius. Bacon (Advancement of Learning) describes epitomes thus: "As for the corruptions and moths of history, which a

.C. 100, which is a sufficient answer to the scandalous tale of his being the father of Brutus. That he may have ha

rthian campaign (Life of Crassus, c. 18, &c.). After Cato had retired

r den K?nig Deiotarus." The anecdote appears to refer clearly to king Deiotarus, as appears from Cicero's

campaign in B.C. 47. Brutus held Gallia in the year B.C. 46. See Dru

at this time was ten (Dion Cassius, xlii. 51), to which number they were increased from eight by C?sar in B.C. 47. The Pr?tor Urbanus still held the first rank. The motive o

te is told in C?s

reece (Life of C?sar, c. 43). Megara made strong resistance to Calenus, and w

. 34, and note to c. 37; and t

C?sar, c. 61, and Dion

lius Tubero for his conduct in Africa, and defended by Cicero in an extant speech. Ligarius obtained a pardon from C?sar, and he repaid the dictator, like

Younger Cato, c. 65, 73; and

father of a more distinguished jurist, Antistius Labeo, who lived under Augustus. He was at the battle of Philippi, and after the

fe of C?sar, c.

ath are mentioned in th

ath, that he put away Claudia, for which he was blamed (Cic. Ad Attic. xiii. 9), and married Porcia, the daughter of Cato, and widow of M

itectural work of Pompeius (L

is told by Appian (

d that Brutus Albinus engaged Antonius in conversation. To the authorities referred to in the not

from C?sar, and the province of Transalpine Gaul, wi

provinces after C?sar's death,

Life of C?sar, c

ho fell in a brawl with T. Annius Milo

the Life of

om Rome. It is now a poor place, with numerous remains of forme

as Pr?tor Urbanus. The day of celebration was the fourth of Quintilis or Julius. The ga

cero, c. 43, and notes; and

ich is entitled 'M. Tullii Epistolarum ad Brutum Liber Singularis;' but the genuineness of these letters is very doub

Basilicata in the kingdom of Naples; and the remains are near Castella a mare della Brucca. Velia is oft

xcellent subjects, and the simplicity with which they treated them may be inferred from Plutarch's description. The poet was here the real painter. T

ordered bronze statues of Brutus and Cassius to be set up by the side of the statues of

ippus B.C. 44, and also, as it appears, up to the time when Brutus came to Athens. Horace, wh

er who gave up the money, was the Qu?stor M. Appuleius (Cicero,

rds of Patroclus (Iliad, xvi

ero, c. 43, note; and Dio

town in

the province of Macedonia (B.C. 44), in which Brutus was to succeed him

arch's copyists. His name was P. V

s call by that name, and which they describe as a "canine appetite, insatiable desire for food." The nature of the appetite is exemplified by the instance of a man eating in one day four pounds of raw co

orcyra (Corfu) from the continent. It was made a Colonia by the Romans after their occupa

the end of this chapter, compa

e Dion Cassi

diers of M. Antonius in North Italy, and was put to death by order of Ant

iddle of B.C. 43, while the proscriptions were going on

ned to march to Egypt to punish Cleopatra for t

nean, for which the

tus (i. 176), who describes its destruction by the Persian general Harpagus, to which Plutarch afterwards (c. 31) alludes. Numerous remains have been rece

his chapter is very co

he Life of Pomp

us met at Sardis in th

ad, i. 259. The character of Favonius is well kno

f an invited guest taking his shadows (umbr?) with

t et plurib

uette as to umbr? in his Sy

nd left the fourth open. The central couch or sofa (lectus medius) was the first plac

ndemnation was Infamia, as to the meaning of which term: see Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Infamia. T

is probably corrupt. Se

is told also in the

im about his opinions; and Cassius (xv. 19) in reply defends them. Cicero says to Cassius, that he hopes he will tell him whether it is in his power, as soon as he chooses to think of

es in his poem De Rerum Natura. In his fo

imis quare quod

lo mens cogitet

m nostram simu

, nobis occurrit i

as been engaged in waking hour

fere studio de

ebus multum sum

ione fuit conte

em plerumque

sas agere et c

nare ac proelia o

subtile nature, and are easily united when they meet; they are of a much more subtile nature than the things which affect

ue et Scyllarum

num fauceis sim

tellus amplectitur

themselves about mundane affairs; and they had nothing to do with the creation of the world. It is one of the main

e gods, Cassius means to say, that though he did not believe in their exis

Cassius, compare the

oins another mountain, that stretches up into the interior. Symbolum was between Neapolis (new city) and Philippi. Neapolis was on the coast opposite to Thasus: Philippi was in the mountain region, and was built on a hill; west of it was a plain which extended to the

rification, which was performed on various occ

the battle are recorded b

hed himself to M. Antonius, whom he deserted to join Octavianus C?sar. He fought on C?sar's side at the battle of Actium (c. 53). He died somewhere bet

λημ?νον, to prevent any ambiguity, such as Kaltwasser discovered in the

was no dream at all. C?sar wished to have an excuse for being out of the way of danger. Dion Cassius (xlvii. 41)

dotus (vii. 73). The Macedonian tradition was that they were the same as the Phrygians; that so long as they lived in Eur

is P. Volumnius Eutrapelus, a boon companion of Antonius. Sever

, because they are free from other people's vices. The promise of plunder to his soldiers is not excusable because Antonius and C?sar did worse than he intended to do. Plutarch here alludes to many of the Italians being driven out of their lands, which were given to the soldiers who had fought on the side of C?sar and Antonius at Philippi. The misery that was occasioned by this measure was one of the chief evils of the Civil Wars. The slaughter in war chiefly affected the soldiers themselves, and if

om Brundusium under the command of Domitius Calvinu

about him. Of course he is not t

ife of Cato the

e Life of An

son. The educated Romans were familiar with the Greek dramatists, whom they often quoted. (Compare the Life

ce, "that virtue is not a reality, but a name." Dion Cassius (xlvii. 49, and the note of Reimarus) also has recorded two Greek verses which B

empty name, wh

ess; thou art f

these verses, as Drumann suggests, in

the Life of the you

he died. Velleius (ii. 72) says that he was i

ten to praise men, whom at a later time we shall have to blame. Criticism, forgetful and harsh, too often condemns beginnings which are laudable, having in view the end which it knows, of which it has a view beforehand. But we do not choose to know this end; whatever this man may do to-morrow, we note for his advantage the good which he does to-day: the end will come soon enough." This is the true method of writing history; this is the true method of judging men. Unfortunately we cannot trace the career of many individuals with that particularity of date and circumstance which would enable us to do justice. Plutarch does not draw characters in the mass in the modern way: he gives us bo

arefully collected the acts of Brutus; and he

ivate enmity, as Plutarch says, for what he believed to be the better cause, the sacrifice was honourable: if there were other motives, and I believe there were, his choice of his party does him no credit. His conspiracy against C?sar can only be justified by those, if there are such, who think that a usurper ought to be got rid of in any way. But if a man is to be murdered, one does not expect those to take a part in the act who, after being enemies have received favours from him, and professed to b

eble and uncertain; and it was also as illegal as the usurpation of C?sar. "He left Rome as pr?tor without the permission of the Senate; he took possession of a province which, even according to Cicero's testimony, had been assigned to another; he arbitrarily passed beyond the boundaries of his province, and set his effigy on the coins." (Drumann.) He attacked the Bessi in order to give his soldiers booty, and he plundered Asia to get money for the con

ealth gotten by ill means is an eternal reproach; and the trade of money-lending, carried on in the names of others, with unrelenting greedi

an abundant crop. His wisdom was the thoughts of others, and he had ever ready in his mouth something that others had said. But to utter other men's wisdom is not enough: a man must make it his own by the labour of independent thought. Philosophy and superstition were blended in his mind, and they formed a chaos in his bewildered brain, as they always will do; and the product is Gorgons and Hydras and Chimeras dire. In the still of night phantoms floated before his wasted strength and wakeful eyes; perhaps the vision of him, the generous and the brave, who had saved the life of an enemy in battle, and fell by his hand in the midst of peace. Conscience was his tormentor, for truth was stronger than the illusions of self-imputed virtue. Though Brutus had condemned Cato's death, he died by his own hand, not with the stubborn resolve of Cato, who would not yield to a usurper, but merely to escape from his enemies. A Roman might be pardoned for not choosi

tical constitution he would maintain, not amend; indeed, amendment was impossible. Probably he dreaded anarchy and the dissolution of social order, for that would have released his creditors and confiscated his valuable estates. But C?sar's usurpation was not an anarchy: it was a monarchy, a sole rule; and Brutus, who was ambitious, could not endure that. It may be said that if the political views of Brutus were narrow, he was only like most of his country

one. To reduce this philosopher to his true level, we ask, what did he say or do that showed a sympathy with all mankind? Where is the evidence that he had the feeling of justice which alone can regenerate a nation? But it may be said, why seek in a Roman of his age what we cannot expect to find? Why then elevate him above the rest

troy all who stood between him and the realisation of an unbending theory. Though he had sacrificed the lives of others, he scorned to save his own by doing what would have contradicted his principles: he respected the form of legality, when its substance no longer existed, and refused to sanction force when it would have been used for his own

ire was the proper growth of the ages that had preceded it: they could produce nothing better. In a few years after the battle of Philippi, C?sar Octavianus got rid of his partner Antonius; and under the administration of Augustus the world enjoyed comparative peace, and the Roman Empire was established and consolidated. The genius of Au

artisans of Brutus and Cassius wished Messala to put himself at the hea

not inconsistent with this that his head was cut off in order to be sent to Rome and thrown at the feet of C?sar's statue, as Suetonius says

k, in one hundred and forty-four books, of which a few fragments remain. There is also a fragment of his Life of A

e death of Porcia is mentioned in lib. iv. c. 6, 5. Appian (Civil Wars, iv.

ew letters in the collection of Cicero which are genuine, but the single book of letters to Brutus (M. Tullii Ciceronis Epistolorum ad Brutum Liber Singularis) is condemned as a forgery by the best critics. It contains let

peculiar manner. See vol. i

axa was fought on the 7

f a great Persian

rsia B.C. 358. See vol. iii.

of Media on t

purchased by excessive nutriment, of the B?otian

i. Life of Agesil

lemy, Kin

unt given in the text. Clough prefers to read Andros, saying that "Aratus would hardly be thought to have gone from Hydrea to Eub?a, which is near enough to Andros to make the supposition in this case not unnatural." But

s" generally means statues, but not necessarily. Prob

, the father of Alexand

Kraterus, and grandson of Alexande

tion against surprise

Antigonus Gonatas, who succeeded his fa

gue is meant, which we must suppose was en

I., ii

expedition was to make himself

ving his baggage, ammunition, and a great part of the arms of hi

the Romans under the Empire,' c

us Catulus

were in full march against them. The armies met at Vesontio, and there Virginius and Vindex at a private interview agreed to conspire together, but their troops could come to no such understanding; the Virginians attacked the soldiers of Vinde

d on the 9th o

iven by modern sovereigns. Under the republic it had been the distinguishing mark of the equestrian order, and its posses

ent of Europe, by which all government couriers, &c., were forwarded free of expense. The modern terms of "diploma

Narb

r his manner. "Titus Vinius and Cornelius Laco, the one th

striking contrast to that of "the implacable, beautif

innocentes,'

d to row in ships of war, who regarded it

y the daughter of Tigellinus, wh

Flaccus,' Tac. His

as never in command of any legions; and evidently some legions in the provinces are meant. Clough

as Asiaticus was a freedman of V

Of ses

] A.

st Legion, in

At C

c. (Hist

(Otho, 4) call

e speculatores under the empire were employed as speci

nclusively in th

estone. London Stone was established by t

g carried about Rome in litters, survives to th

he standard-bearer (vexillarius) of a cohort wh

palace had put on a light, quil

ged to pay for it.

who had been punished by Galba. The wor

. He buried his master's body in his o

be read as the sequ

e of Galba, c

Hist. i. 80,

wo centuriae (Polyb. ii. 23, 1), and co

i. 83, 84) gives Ot

ranslated by Plutarch fr

c. (Hist

ius Juli

c. (Hist

articularly described

hat he had forgotten his language, but because he did not choose to speak to the provincial

a. He adds that she did no one any harm, but that people were offend

as induced to pass without halting, this rapacious chief required to be gratified with mon

s at Rome, but ignorant of real war. He was, Tacitus adds, a knave and a villain, who got him

c. Hist.

rs to the generals urging them to make haste. He adds that it is not so easy

c. (Hist

he legions were the 21st "Ra

ney was, no doub

DE

i. Theseu

Sikyon, iv. A

, iii. Pomp

i. Alexand

, iv. Arat

n Sicily, i. Ti

. Cicero

Gaul, iii.

i. Themisto

iii. Alexan

des, chs. 27, 29;

Theseus, ch. 32; Solon, ch. 1;

42; Comparison of Kimon and Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Phokion, ch. 4;

i. These

i. Marcel

ikles, ch. 17; ii. Pelopidas

ur, ii. Lucu

4, 16, and after; Flamininus, chs. 13, 17; Agesilaus, ch. 22; iv. Agis, chs. 13, 15; Kleo

e of Mummius, ii

stokles, ch. 24;

of Aristophanes,

i. Perikle

, iii. Pompeius, chs.

steides, ch. 7; Philop?men, ch. 1; Pyrrhus, chs. 1, 13, 22; Comparison of L

nian, ii. Py

eon, ch. 21; ii. Marcellus, ch.

i. Romulus, ch. 21;

ii. Sulla, ch. 12; Ca

f Brutus, iv.

of C?sar, iii.

n Lucania, ii.

i. Marcell

orinth, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 16,

killed by Romulus, i. Romulu

Antonius, ch

Caria, iii. Al

istokles, ch. 5; an Athenian g

. Lucullus,

ns, i. Themistokles, ch. 24;

i. Alkibiades, ch. 18

m, iv. Cic

Timoleon,

i. Timole

lls, ii. Luc

i. These

he Tyrrhenians, i.

ding in Aratus, i

ii. Lucull

iii. Cato M

er of Pyrrhus, king of the M

yrrhus, c

. Theseu

ii. Sulla

i. C?sar

hemistokl

ribe, i. Alkib

in Sicily.

. Theseus, chs. 3, 4, 12, 1

Kleomenes,

Sikyon, iv. Ara

ibe, i. Solon, ch.

, 34; ii. Aristeides, ch. 8; Lysander, chs. 9, 14; iii. Comp

h. 12; iv. Kleomenes, ch

Panopeus, i. The

ch. 36; ii. Lysander, chs.

f Sulla, ii.

?milius

s, ii. Flami

i. ?milius,

r of ?neas, i.

fricanus, i.

wife of Pompeius, ii. Sulla,

ma, ch. 8; ?m

of Pythagor

, ii. Pyrrh

us. _See

milius Mamercinus),

pidus, i. ?mi

r, i. ?mil

(censor?), i.

the coast of Campania,

h. 2; Comparison, ch

ce, iii. Cato

ds of, i. Ca

s, chs. 2, 33, 35;

i. Pyrrhus, ch. 8; a king of M

Demosthenes, chs. 4,

mpra, ii. Aris

i. Perikles, chs. 24, 3

Argive, iv. A

Timoleon, i.

ii. Aristeides, ch. 3; Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Pompeius, ch. 1; Alexander, c

uma, ch. 4; iii.

Demosthen

er, i. ?mil

c poet, iv. C

28; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; iii. Cras

ow, i. Popli

seus, chs. 3,

; Flamininus, chs. 7-10, 15; iii. Alexander, ch. 49; iv. Agis, ch.

ii. Sulla

torius, ch. 19; Pompeius, chs. 34,

er, ch. 15; iii. Nikias, ch. 5; Sertorius ch. 1; Agesilaus, c

of Perikles, i.

painter, i. P

iv. Kleome

ius, chs. 31, 46, 47. Of Syracuse, ii. Py

Crassus, c

arn?, ii. Aris

29; Timoleon, ch. 36; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 16, 21, 30; Flamininus, ch. 11; Lysander, chs. 22-

Agis, chs. 6, 9, 12, 13,

Pausanias, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; iii.

rta, son of Kleombro

r of Agis IV., iv.

Lysander,

gos, iv. Ara

f Gylippus, iv., Kl

, ii. Lysander, chs. 24

s, chs. 11, 18, 19, 28, 29; Alkibiades, chs. 24, 25, 34, 3

idamus III., iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15;

ife and Comparison with the Gracchi; iii. Agesil

ownship, i. Th

. Themistok

i. Alkibia

, ch. 35; ii. Pyrrhus,

mosthenes and Cicero, ch. 33; Antonius, chs. 35

s, i. Corio

Antonius, ch. 8

v. Kleomen

lius, iv. Br

of the name, i. ?milius

olon, ch. 10; Alkibiades, c

he Molossians, i. T

tribe, ii. Aris

i. Solon

. _See

us, i. Cami

eseus, ch. 32.

nian tribe, i.

ii. Lysander

i. Themisto

i. Sulla, c

v. Dion

. _See_

ing of Sparta,

on of Akrotatus I., ii. Pyrrhus

ntain, iii. P

. Aratus

Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1; Pompeiu

an farm, ii. Sulla, ch. 31. Alban hills, iv. Cic

us, ch. 26; iii. Pompeius, chs. 34

us Brutus. _Se

, Lucius, i. Ca

us, consul B.C. 110

. Lysande

ii. C?sar

ntioch, iv. An

and Cleopatra, iv.

hs. 6, 7; iv. Demetrius, ch. 36; Com

sopher, a teacher of Cras

Kraterus, iv.

etrius, iv. De

an, iii. Pom

edonian, iii. A

on, ii. Aristeides, c

Macedon, ii. Pelo

9; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4; Eumenes, chs. 1, 6, 7; Agesilaus, ch. 15; Pompeius, chs. 2, 34, 45; Comparison of Pompeius and Agesilaus, ch. 2; C?sar, ch. 11; Phokion, ch

of Priam, iv.

ian, ii. Mar

rseus, i. ?mi

i. Pelopidas, c

n, iii. Phokion, ch. 3

rrhus, ii. Py

oxana, ii. P

he Thracians, i.

s, ch. 49; Alexander, ch. 26; C?sar, ch. 48; Cato Minor, ch. 3

is, iii. Ale

s, ii. Alexa

dicea, iv. An

, same as preceding,

s, ii. Pyr

iii. Alexan

of Vitellius, iv. Otho,

ammatist, ii. Fl

s, iii. Pomp

partan, i. Ly

the Molossians, i

s, chs. 5, 8; A

, ch. 7; Flamininus, ch. 11; Lysander, chs. 3, 4, 10, 11; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla ch. 4; iii. Nikias, chs. 9-15; Comparison of Ni

rator, iv. Demo

Ach?an, iv.

ry in Attica, i. Th

irot, iv. Deme

of the Athenians, i.

emistokles, ch. 23; i

, i. Alkibiades, ch.

, i. Perik

poet, i. Lykurgus, ch

i. Theseus, ch. 7; Romulus,

i. Camillus,

, iv. Cice

Themistokles, ch. 32; Perikles

ox-hill, ii. L

rus, iv. Ot

. Kleomen

Skeiron, i. T

, friend of C?sar,

ch. 39; iv. Cicero, ch.

i. These

i. Theseu

omulus, ch. 1; Perikles, ch. 31; ii. Lucullus, ch. 23; iii.

Theseus, ch. 27; at Cha

briorix, iii.

, i. Perikles, ch. 16

tribe, ii. Marius

s, i. Numa, ch. 12

mistokles, ch. 14; Comparison

an, ii. Pyr

mbria, ii. M

Artaxerxes,

Lucullus, chs. 14, 15, 19,

Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Nikias, ch. 1

and Pasiph?, i

. Themistok

i. Cato Mi

iv. Aratu

olon, ch. 10; ii.

v. Demetri

iv. Agis,

teides, chs. 3, 19;

, ii. Lucul

istokles, ch. 20; ii. Cato Major, c

a, ii. Pyr

us, chs. 23, 24; ii. Kimon, ch. 8; iii

osthenes, ch. 18;

ii. Lysand

i. Aristei

ii. Lysand

3, 6-9, 21; Comparison of

biades, ch. 1;

iv. Agi

donian, iii. Al

ilip, iv. Demos

and Galatia, iv. An

is), iv. Artax

eseus, ch. 33

s, i. Sol

i. Perikle

. Comparison of Niki

s, ii. Kim

ch. 21; iii. Nikias,

, ch. 2; Perikles, chs. 4, 5, 6, 8, 16, 32

f Delphi, ii. L

sopher, iii. Alexan

iv. Antoni

h?ronea, ii. Sul

i. Solon

i. Alkibiad

v. Demosthenes, ch. 28; Comparison

29; Comparison of The

iv. Antoni

ii. Mariu

s, i. Coriol

les, ch. 32; Alkibiades

. 15, 16; Comparison of T

, ii. Pyrr

i. Alkibiad

an Epirot, ii.

or, ii. Lys

n, ii. Lysan

iii. Alexan

, i. Ariste

ii. Pelopi

ch. 29; iii. Alexander, c

Carrh?, iii. C

enium, i. Tim

. Theseus

, ii. Sull

s, ch. 11; Alkibiades, ch. 35; ii. Pelop

writer, i.

an, iv. Demos

ii. Pyrrh

ius, i. ?mil

iii. C?sa

h. 21; Camillus, ch.

. _See_

in Epirus, iii.

s, iii. Sert

onius the orator,

o. _See

v. Tib. Grac

, iv. Otho, c

us, ch. 11; iii.

i. Aristeid

opidas, chs. 15, 30; iii. Agesilaus, chs

, i. Romulus, ch. 1

i. Numa

ii. Sull

ibiades, ch. 4; C

us, i. Peri

. Romulu

?sar, ch. 54; iv

iii. Alexan

iii. Agesi

iv. Demetr

Phokis, iv. An

yraspids, iii. Eumenes, chs

, iv. Alexan

, iv. Demet

hilip and Berenike, ii.

, iii. Alexa

iv. Aratu

c tribe, iv. De

chs. 4, 8; iii. Sertorius, ch. 1; Eumenes, chs. 3, 8, and following; Comparison of Eumenes and Sertorius, ch. 2; Alexand

s, chs. 26, 29, 30, and following; iv. Demetrius, chs. 39, 4

lius, ch. 8; ii. Philop?men, chs. 6, 7; iv. Kleomenes, c

of the Jews, iv.

iii. Alexan

phon, i. Timoleon, ch. 3

Teos, i. Rom

ii. Lucullus, ch. 21, and note; iii. Pompeius ch. 40; C

nia, ii. Luc

nian tribe, ii. Ar

ucullus, chs. 28, 42; iv. C

hs. 10, 35; ii. Lysander, ch. 5; Com

ene, iv. Anto

Seleukus, iv. Demetriu

mparison of Aristeides and Cato, chs. 2, 5; Philop?men, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs

26, 27; Comparison of Th

i. Lykurgu

2; iii. Eumenes, chs. 3, 4, 6, 8, 12; Agesilaus, ch. 15; Alexander, chs. 11, 39, 46, 47, 74, 77; Phokion, chs. 1, 17, 23, 25-31; iv. Agis, ch.

der, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6;

arius, ch. 46; iv. T

iii. Cato M

ic poet, iv. De

i. Themistok

iii. Phokion

biades, ch. 3; iii. Nikias,

l, iv. Demost

s, ch. 30; Perikles, ch

pius Claudius, iv. T

peius, iii. Pom

), in command of ship

of Pompeius, iii.

bius, ch. 2; Coriolanus, chs.

Hercules, iv.

v. Antoniu

of Cleopatra, iv.

i. Marius, ch. 44; iii. Pompeiu

r of the triumvir,

or, iii. Cicero, chs. 11,

umvir, iv. Antonius, chs. 15,

of the triumvir, i

us Antonius and Fulvia

more properly Caius

nus, who rebelled against D

Sertorius, iii.

eius, chs. 58, 59; C?sar, ch. 30, and after; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Cicero, ch. 41, and after

us, iv. Gal

Gracchus, chs. 13, 1

Antonius, ch

iades, ch. 3; Co

Avillius. _S

_See_

Seleukus, iv. D

rtaxerxes, iv. Ar

azus, wife of Ptolemy

edonian, iv. A

Alexander, ch. 4; iv. Demet

f Teos, ii.

iv. Anton

ii. Flamini

. Themisto

us, chs. 31-33; c

i. These

i. Lysand

, i. Numa

Archon, ii.

Kleomene

or of Babylon, iii.

ian, iii. Cato

ian, iii. C

r, i. Lykur

enes, ch. 15; comparison of

. Dion, chs. 37,

Mysia, ii. Luc

ly, i. Timo

sar, chs. 37, 38; iv. Cicero, ch. 4343; A

, iv. Demet

iii. Cato Minor,

lon, iii. C?sar, ch.

enodotia, iii.

, iii. Agesi

s, i. Lykur

iv. Gal

," a chasm under Mount Tay

d, iii. C?

(C?cus), ii. Pyr

Comparison of Fabius and Perikles,

sul B.C. 177, i.

143, i. ?milius ch. 38; Ti

sul B.C. 54, iii.

us, ii. Su

ullus to Tigranes, ii. L

hs. 21, 22, same as Appius C

of Sardinia, ii

, iv. Cice

hepsion, Archon at At

. Flamini

i. Pyrrhu

cius, i. Cam

. Marcellu

?, ii. Mar

plicola, chs. 3

anius, ii. M

ne of the people, iii

rcus, iv. Ci

iv. Oth

ii. Sertor

Crassus, chs. 28, 29, and after; Pompeius, ch. 44, and after; Alexander, ch.

iii, Eume

i. Lysand

i. Caesa

i. Theseu

iv. Aratu

ii. Philop?men, chs. 1, 8; iv. Agis, ch.

receding, iv. Ar

; iii. Pompeius, chs. 33, 34

v. Artaxer

. 19; iii. Pompeius, ch

h. 3; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 4, 20, and after; Philop?men, ch. 13; Agesilaus, chs. 15, 22, 30,

?tolian, i. ?

ii. Comparison of Titu

f Archytas, iv

f Antigonus Gonatas,

os, ii. Su

h. 34; Sulla, chs. 11, 15-17, 19-24; Comp

padocia, iv. An

l, son of the precedin

er, ii. Ki

t, ii. Ki

parta, i. Lyk

is, ii. Sul

her of Themistokles, i

stokles, i. Them

an, i. Alkibiades, ch.

ian, iii. Ph

poet, i. Aris

henian, ii. Pe

pidas, chs. 5, 7-11; i

iv. Demosthen

, iii. Phok

iv. Anton

i. Pyrrhus, ch. 27; iv. Agis, chs.

s, i. Lykur

erikles, chs. 8, 29, 33; ii. Kimon, ch. 16; iii. Crass

llus, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, ch.

rta, iv. Agis, ch. 3

, iv. Kleomenes, chs.

ay by Kratinus,

, chs. 2, 27; ii. Marius, ch. 21; iii. Phokion, ch. 7

ii. Marcellu

. Themistok

i. Alkibi

i. Themist

s, iv. Di

ellus, ch. 14; iv.

millus, chs.

i. These

ius, iv. Ant

Perikles, chs. 7, 9; ii. Kimon, chs. 10, 15; iii. Phokio

iv. Dio

ch. 33; iv. Dion,

cedonia, i. Ly

Antonius

ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 27,

g of Sparta, i

Demosthen

, i. Lykur

kles, ch. 37; ii.

Theseus

ilop?men, chs. 12, 18; Pyrrhus, ch. 29, and after; iii. Nikias, ch. 10; Agesilaus, ch. 31

s freedman, iv

i. Eumenes, chs

us, chs. 19-21; C

. Artaxerx

i. Themisto

iii. Crass

ng of Cappadocia,

es, ii. Sulla, ch. 1

Pompeiu

. Artaxerxes

i. Themisto

iii. Pompeius, ch. 60; C?sar,

lat?an, ii. Ari

n, ii. Arist

hs. 5, 22, 24; iv. Cicero,

, ii. Kimo

, iii. C?s

. Alkibiade

s, or Arist?nus, ii.

, ii. Lucul

Alexander, chs. 2

gos, ii. Pyrrh

nesus, i. Rom

. 7; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, chs. 1, 3; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Kimon, chs. 5

an, i. Timo

esian Tales, iii.

ophilus, i. Ar

9; ii. Sulla, chs. 12-1

pilot, iii. Nik

i. Pyrrhus, ch. 30; iv

ene, iv. D

an, iii. Alexander, chs. 15, 18,

Pompeius, chs. 39, 44

iletus, iv. Demet

lis, ii. Philop?men, c

of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1, a

, i. Perikl

ion of Harmodius, i.

t, iii. Phokion, ch. 10;

us, ii. Lys

Athenian, iv. Dem

tan writer, i. Lykurgus, chs.

rhetorician, iv.

, iii. Alexa

n, ch. 33; iv. Dion, ch

?an general, iv.

gos, iv. Aratus,

on, iv. Ara

Romulus, ch. 25;

Themistokles, ch.

to Major, ch. 18; iv

pilot, iii. Nik

e P?onians, iii.

eisistratus, i.

l of Mithridates, i

on, iv. Demos

, iv. Flamininus, ch. 2

ii. Lysand

s, ch. 30, the verses; Alkibiades, ch. 16; ii. Kimon, ch. 16;

ian, iii. Ale

at Athens, iv. De

ian, iii. Ph

r, i. Alkibi

s, iv. Kleomenes, ch

ian, iv. Ar

yon, iv. A

mparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 3; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 3, 18; Aristeides, ch. 27; Comparison, ch. 2; Lysander, ch. 2; Sulla, ch. 26; Kimo

; Timoleon, ch. 15; ii. Aristeid

, iv. Arat

iv. Brutu

r, ii. Philop?men, ch.

tan, iv. A

ii. Pelopi

25, 27, 31, and after; Eumenes, chs. 4, 5, 16; Crassus, chs. 18, 22, 32; iii. Pompeius, chs. 31-34, 39,

hage, ii. Luc

m, i. Romu

tokles, ch. 16; ii

v. Artaxer

rius, ch. 3; iv

iv. Demosthe

Philip, iii. Alexander, chs. 10, 77; compar

tus, iv. Cic

iv. Anton

chs. 18, 27; Pompeius, ch. 76; iv. Comp

iii. Crass

v. Artaxer

ii. Lucull

e, i. Popli

v. Artaxer

i. Pompei

i. Themisto

. _See_ A

rsine, iii. Eumenes, ch

n, ii. Arist

iv. Artaxe

iv. Artaxer

i. Themisto

azes, iii. Crassus, chs. 19, 22, 23; iv. A

i. Lucullu

ii. Lucull

s, i. Alkibiades, ch. 37

iv. Life; ii. P

Knidos, iii.

, ii. Lucul

i. Themisto

stokles, chs. 7, 8,

ophon, iii. Ale

i. Perikl

, i. Lykur

lea, i. Themis

rcus, iv. Br

Porsena, i. Po

n, i. Camil

rquin, i. Pop

i. C?sar, c

. _See_

i. Pyrrhu

ii. Alexan

i, ii. Ki

. _See_

i. Romul

ulia, ii. Pyr

um, iii. Pompeius

a, iv. Kleom

, iv. Cicero, ch. 4. The Asiatic st

emistokles, i. The

, iv. Gal

sinaria, iii.

72; C?sar, chs. 32, 46, 52; Cato

ii. Sertor

, ch. 42; iv. Cicero,

grammarian, i

parinus, iii.

i. Solon

B?otia, ii. Arist

Sinope, ii. Lu

rikles, chs. 2

. Perikles, ch. 24; iv. Ar

i. Alkibia

of Achilles, ii.

Pyrrhus, ch. 32; iv.

ia, ii. Sulla

llus, ch. 26; iii

lophon, iii. Al

ii. Kim

iv. Kleomen

v. Cicero

iv. Brut

i. Alkibiad

i. Romulu

, ii. Kimo

od, i. Romu

f the people, iii

, or Teius, ii

iv. Brut

, ii. Flamininus, ch. 15

Timoleon,

lio, a stoic philosopher, i

Imbros, iii.

ndon, i. Popl

, iii. Alexa

the Athenia

. Alexande

_See_ A

ige, ii. Ma

nds, iii. Ser

20; iii. Sertorius, ch. 8; E

i. Solon

xes II., iv. Artaxerxes, ch

mon, ch. 7; iv

(Satrapenians), ii. Lucullus,

iii. Pompe

tra, wife of Philip, iii

Alexander

s, ii. Flamininus, ch.

lus, ch. 19; iv. Tib. Gracchu

Numa, ch. 4; iii.

stus, iv. Cicero, ch.

ee_ especially i. Th

pondent, iv. Cicero, ch.

lius, iv. G

Cato Minor,

n for Hostilii, ii. Comparison

rgilio, iv.

correctly Caius),

Brutus

ch. 4; iii. Se

ee_ Tullus

i. Coriolanus, c

Sertorius, iii. Se

i. Fabius

s. _See

h. 21; Lysander, ch. 27

iii. C?sar, ch. 9, and a

Onatius), iii. Crassus,

s, ii. Sul

, iii. Niki

s, i. Thes

ii. Pyrr

athlete, ii. L

Sinope, ii. L

i. Timole

ii. Pompei

s. 9, 20; Numa, ch. 15;

i. Romul

i. Perikle

sus, iv. Ci

acedonia, iv. De

gus, ch. 6; ii.

, ch. 17; comparison, ch. 4; Eumenes, ch. 3; Alexander, chs. 35, 57

estry, ii. Cat

pides, iii. Cr

ii. Lysan

ii. Lucul

es, i. Nu

ucius, ii.

assus, ch. 16; Comparison,

e, iii. Alexa

M., i. Nu

Sertorius, chs

ii. Cato Major, ch. 10;

i. Alexand

. Marius

ii. Sull

riend, iii. C

s, probably Albus,

linus, iii. Ale

iii. Crass

. Solon,

rapolis, iv. An

Marcellus,

. Marcellu

iv. Galba

of Cato, iii. Ca

l's army, i. F

, ii. Cato M

. Marius, c

ii. Pyrrh

ii. Flamin

, wife of Alexander, iii. Eume

ceding, wife of Eumene

assus, ch. 9. Publius Var

ucius, ii.

Pauli. _S

ii. Cato M

tern?, i. ?mili

ii. Mariu

v. Demosth

, iv. Oth

, i. Solo

tulus, iii. C

v. Agis,

i. Coriola

iv. Otho, c

ii. Mariu

v. Kleomen

mpeius, ch. 51

iv. Artaxer

, i. Coriol

iii. Pompe

, chs. 7, 27, 30;

v. Artaxer

, ii. Pyrr

ife of Mithridates,

f Ptolemy, ii. P

ii. Pyrrh

1; iii. Pompeius, ch. 64

v. Antoniu

i. Alexand

, consul B.C. 111,

ne, iv. Cic

iene, i. S

eius, chs. 47, 48, 54; C?sar, ch. 14; Cato Mino

of Brutus, iv. B

tribune, ii. Ma

Theseus

ii. Pyrr

i. Perikl

i. Alkibia

Flamininus, ch. 20; Sulla, chs. 11, 22; Comparison, ch. 5; Lucullus, ch. 6, and after;

v. Aratus

. Solon,

Tib. Gracchus,

iv. Demetri

nia, ii. Marius, chs. 10

ritania, iv. An

i. These

i. Marius

steides, ch. 19, and after; Lysander, ch. 27, and after; Sulla, chs. 15-21; Kimon, chs. 1, 2; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 6, 26, and after; Phokion

le of Bola, i. Co

ll?, i. Corio

?sar, ch. 9; iv.

iv. Cicer

lus, ch. 21; ii

24; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Pompeius, ch. 32; Kimmerian

i. Theseu

. Alexander, chs

iii. Alexan

ii. Flamin

24, 30; ii. Lysander, chs.

i. Solo

millus, chs. 1

v. Brutus

d Crassus, ch. 4; Pompeius, ch. 51; C?sar, chs. 1

s, i. Romulus, ch. 16; ii

v. Otho, chs

27; iii. Crassus, ch. 17; Pompeius, chs. 27, 62, 65; C?sar, chs. 35, 37, 38, 39; C

nd Cum?i), iii

. 21, 22; Timoleon, chs. 16, 20; iii

a, ii. Sulla

la, chs. 7, 7, 9, 10, 16; iii. C?

us, sons of Lucius,

f the people, i. Co

138, iv. Tib.

the time of Marius

ing, iii. Pompeius, chs.

chs. 46, 54, 57, 64-69; Cato Minor, chs. 36, 73; i. Cicero, chs. 42, 43, 45, 47; Com

chs. 64, 66; iv. Antonius, ch. 11

ff, iv. Bru

book, iv. Brut

. Poplicol

. _See_ Bo

i. Theseu

of Cato, iii. Ca

, i. Romul

ius, i. Fa

rly spelt Boutes,

iv. Brutu

v. Brutus

eides, ch. 23; Kimon, chs. 6, 9; iii. Nikias, ch. 22; Alexander, ch. 9; Phok

_See_

. _See_

Sertorius,

_See_

f Agenor, ii.

v. Artaxerxe

rname, i. Cori

iii. Sertor

of Lucullus, ii.

, ii. Sulla, ch.

e for M. C?lius, i

n, iv. Cicero, ch.

ician, iv. Dem

o, chs. 5, 6, 7

us, i. Camillu

rule ?dile, B.C. 51,

s. _See_

_See_

h. 19; ii. Marius, chs. 16. 19; Luc

i. Pompeius, ch.

of Cato Minor, iii. Cato

, 25; Comparison, ch. 4; Pompeius, chs. 10, 25, 45, 46, 51, 56; Comparison, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 1; iii. Cato, chs. 24, 26, 27, 31, 33, 41, 45, 48

onius, iv. Cicero, ch. 4

iii. Cato Mi

ulius, ii. S

ch. 1; ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; iii. Alexander, ch. 69; C?sar, chs. 67, 69; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Cicero, c

emperors, frequent i

), iv. Antonius, ch

y of the, ii.

, ch. 49; iv. Antoni

t Capit?), iv.

ar. _See_

iii. C?sa

. _See_

iii. C?sar, ch. 43

a. _See

s. _See_ K

man of Lucullus, ii

, iv. Gal

Pompeius, ch. 47; C?sar, chs.

, i. Numa

s, consul, B.C. 5

, iii. Serto

o. _See

of Numa, i.

iii. Pompeius, ch. 6

onsul B.C. 39, follower of C?sar A

s, iv. Gal

ee_ Do

ii. Alexand

ii. Mariu

i. Romulu

son; i. Romulus, ch. 29; Numa, ch. 9; Fabius

son of preceding,

piter's temple,

Marcellus, ch. 26; Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Crassus, c

ldiers, iv.

i. Sulla, ch. 38; Lucullus, ch. 43; iii. Pompeius, chs.

iv. Brutu

iv. Galb

i. These

nius, iv. Antonius, chs. 34,

ius, tribune of the peop

ii. Cato Minor, chs. 35

illus, iii.

15, 16; ?milius, ch. 2; ii

iii. Cras

v. Kleomenes, ch. 37; Antoni

the Nile, iii.

. _See_ K

, i. Num

v. Galba

. Marcellus,

iv. Brut

. _See_

nates, i. Camil

_See_

Caieta, iv. C

ius, iv. Anto

Galba,

with Marcellus, i

dictator, i. C

ius, i. Camillu

26, 30; iii. Crassus ch. 18; Sertorius, ch. 23; Eumenes, chs. 3, 5, 6, and throughout; Pompeius, chs. 35, 45; Alexander

i. Poplico

, i. Romulus, ch

ch. 2; ii. Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Crass

us, ch. 16; Sulla, chs. 22, 28; iii. Sertorius, chs. 6

_See_

es, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 9, 10; Alexander, chs. 10, 22; iv. Cic

innas, iii. Po

. _See_

i. Romul

a, i. Romu

te, i. Camil

. _See_ K

iii. C?s

Crassus, ch

. Caius Gracchus, ch. 11; also, i. Camillus, ch. 19; their unlucky days, Perikles, ch. 20; Alkibiades, ch. 17; ii. Flamininus, ch. 1; Marius

w, iii. Sert

of Romulus and Theseus, ch. 6; Com

rved on Klearchus's ring

iv. Brut

ch. 66; iv. Brutu

, i. Fabi

, i. Fabi

, chs. 33, 36; Alexander, ch. 44; C?sar, ch. 58;

20, 22, 28, 29; Pompeius, ch. 16; C?sar, chs. 57, 62, 64, 66, 68, 69; iv

of the people, iv.

, ii. Mari

iii. C?sa

Verus, proconsul of Gaul on

tulo, iii. Se

ii. Crass

iv. Demetr

, iv. Cice

_See_

s, ch. 13; C?sar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, ch. 22; iv. Cicero, chs. 10, 11, 12,

ame, ii. Ma

f the censor, Cato Majo

omparison; i. Coriolanus, ch. 8; ?milius, ch. 5; ii. Pelopi

us, ch. 21; compare, ii. Cato Major, c

younger son of the Censor,

r of Cato Minor, ii. Cato Major, ch. 27

; Pompeius, chs. 40, 44, 45, 48, 52, 54, 56, 65, 67, 76; C?sar, chs. 3, 8, 13, 21, 22, 28, 41, 52, 54; Phokion, chs. 3, 4; iv

r, iv. Brutus, ch. 49; compa

ajor, ch. 19; iii

assus, 814; iv.

.C. 102, ii. Marius, chs. 1

34; iii. Crassus, ch. 13; Pompeius, chs. 15, 16, 17, 25, 30; C?sar,

s, chs. 34, 35; C?sar, ch. 58; iv. Demetrius

bius, ch. 22; i

_See_

. Romulus, chs. 1

, i. Romulus, ch. 11

son of the preceding,

dius, iv. G

chs. 25, 26, 27; Otho,

jor, ch. 10; Marius, ch.

ii. Marius, ch. 11; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3; Pompeius, ch. 7. (But t

i. Camillu

ans, ii. Mar

. _See_

lus, chs. 16, 17; i

rcius, i. Cori

Sulla,

ul B.C. 39, iv.

Crassus

hs. 29, 30; Comparison,

_See

s. _See_

arius, ch. 40.

at?, in the text corruptly C

. _See_

s, or Germanus, i

iii. C?sar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, ch.

nsul B.C. 204, ii

elius, B.C. 181,

us, ii. Lucull

i. Agesilaus, ch. 37; Phokion, ch

of Ch?ronea, i

olis, iii. Ale

iv. Demosth

r, ch. 29; Sulla, chs. 11, 16-18, 23; Kimon, chs. 1, 2; Lucullus, chs. 3, 11; iii. Agesilaus,

iii. Alexan

, chs. 5, 37; Lucullus, ch. 14; iii.

, ii. Sulla,

des, chs. 30, 31; ii.

urgus, ch. 29; iii. Nikias, c

Perikles, ch. 23; ii. Philop?men, ch. 17; Flamininus,

i. Theseu

oet, iii. Nikias, ch. 5; also a n

i. Pyrrhus,

ans. _See_

i. Phokion, chs. 5, 7, 14; iv. Comparison of

er, chs. 20, 24, 46, 54, 55,

Argolis, iv.

iii. Sertor

general, iii.

hokion, chs. 16, 17; i

Athenian, iii.

okion, iii. Phokion,

i. These

o Charillus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 10; Comparison

, iv. Arat

i. Perikle

. Antonius,

akus, i. Themis

i. Pelopidas, c

iv. Anton

i. Flamini

, iv. Dio

i. Perikl

i. Perikl

lands, ii. Kim

r, chs. 5, 9, 10, 12; Kimon, ch. 14; Lucullus, chs. 4, 23; iii. Eumen

rian, iv. Deme

iv. Demetr

. Themisto

. Cato Maj

of Leonidas II., iv

tychides, ii. Pyrrh

Alkibiades, chs. 11, 24, 35; ii. Aristeides, ch. 23; Kimon, chs.

i. Pelopid

ii. Lysand

festival, iv.

kles, chs. 3, 13;

arison of Pelopidas

iv. Kleome

, iv. Arat

v. Demetri

edman of Sulla,

ayer, i. Alkib

ods, i. Rom

42, 43; iii. Crassus, chs. 3, 13; Pompeius, chs. 42, 46, 49, 59, 63; C?sar, chs. 3, 4, 7, 14, 54, 57, 58, 59; Phokion, ch. 3; Cato Minor, chs. 19, 22

iv. Cicero, chs. 45,

rator, iii. C?sar, ch. 24; iv

rassus, ch. 10; Sertorius, chs. 7, 9; Pompeius, chs. 24, 26, 28, 30, 33, 44, 59; Alexander, ch. 17, and after; C?sar, ch

. C?sar, ch. 66; iv.

23. 25. 26. 27. 39. 44; Lucullus, ch. 38; iii. Sertori

, ii. Mari

phorus, i. Th

_See_

_See_

arro, iv. G

s. 10, 12, 22; iii. Crassus, chs. 4, 5; Sertorius, chs. 4, 5, 6; Pompe

iv. Brutus, chs. 20, 21 --, the conspirator, iii.

of the preceding,

. Romulu

ch. 28; ii. Marius, ch. 36; iii.

Cirrh?ans.

reate), ii. M

i. Pompeiu

ii. Marcel

b. Gracchus, iv. Ti

icola, ch. 21; C

s. _See

r, iv. Antonius, ch. 8

. _See_

. _See_ K

ilip of Macedon, iii.

e Great, ii. Eumenes, ch.

dates, wife of Tigrane

9; Cato Minor, ch. 35; iv. Antonius, chs.

y and Cleopatra, iv.

g at Athens, iv.

, sister of Publius Clod

ria, another sister,

lodius and Fulvia, i

writer, i.

49; C?sar, chs. 9, 10, 14; Cato Minor, chs. 19, 31, 32, 33, 34, 40, 45; iv

in the servile war,

Antonius

ter, iv. Br

Antioch, iv.

v. Galba, ch

. Poplico

Sulla, ii. S

?lius (C. C?lius Caldus)

tches (Foss? Cluili?),

iv. Galb

. 12; Poplicola, ch.

fus, iv. O

_See_

alvius Cocceianus, Otho's

ius, i. Popli

iv. Antonius

_See_

ch. 14; iii. Pompeius

Poplicola, chs.

ch. 10; Camillus, ch.

ul, i. Coriola

i. Camillus

. Romulus,

i. Solon

eius, ch. 44; iv. An

in Etruria, ii.

iii. C?sa

perhaps Cotta, iv

. Romulus

, ii. Sul

iii. Crass

iii. Pompe

Timoleon, ch. 8; ?milius, ch. 36; ii. Pyrrhus, chs

iii. C?sa

iii. C?sa

ornificius, iii

Lysander, ch. 1; Kimon, ch. 17; iii. Nikias, chs. 6, 10, 19, 20, 25; Agesilaus, chs. 15, 17, 21, 22; C?sar, ch. 57; iv. Agis, ch. 15; Demosthenes, ch. 17; Demetrius, chs. 15, 25, 43, 51, 53; Dion, chs. 1, 53. The meeting of the seve

fe and Comparison

Coriolanus

Gracchi, ii. Marius, ch. 34; iv. Tib. Gracch

arius, ii. Ma

a, wife of C?sar, ii

pio, wife of Pompeius, iii.

cero, ch. 17. For others of the name, _see_ Cethegus, C

an augur at Padua,

Comparison of Marcellus, and Pelopidas, ch. 1

of Sulla, iii

with Marcellus, ii

Lucius, iv. B

ii. Mari

. Pompeius,

iv. Brutus, chs.

ius, consul six time

_See_

iii. C?sa

iii. Crass

. Romulus, ch. 16; i

s, i. Camil

stans, iv. Ci

Spain, iii. Se

B.C. 119, ii.

nsul B.C. 65, censor B.C

s, consul B.C. 74, ii

of C?sar, iii

v. Antoniu

n, iii. Pompeius, ch. 71. C.

i. Fabius

icinius, i. ?

cchus, ch. 21; and, under the name of Licinius, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 16 (?) --,

38, 40, 42; iii. Nikias, ch. 1; Pompeius, chs. 31, 43, 51, 53; C?sar, chs. 11, 13, 14, 21; Cato

. Crassus, chs. 13, 25, 26; Pompei

Crassus Junianus, iii

Magnus), father of Piso, adop

, iv. Brutus, ch. 24, an

iv. Otho,

; Pyrrhus, chs. 27, 29 (Cretan javelin), 30, 32; Lysander, ch. 20, (Cretan against Cretan), 28 (the Cretan storax); Lucullus, ch. 2; iii. Eumenes, ch. 18 (Nearchus the Cretan); Agesilaus, ch.

, colleague of Marcellu

usband of Popp?a,

he Pr?tonians,

, chs. 27, 28; C

m, i. Romul

ius, ii. Flam

i. Pompeiu

, iv. Tib. Gracch

olia. _S

ii. C?sa

_See_

ompare i. Romulus, ch. 2

la, ch. 14; iii. C?sar, ch. 8; Cato

ch. 58; C?sar, chs. 29, 30, 31; Cato

ii. Cato Major, chs. 2, 8; Compar

rcus, i. Ro

Romulus, ch. 18;

a, ch. 11; iv. Dem

icola, ch. 16; i

icia, iv. Antonius,

; Lysander, ch. 11; Kimon, chs. 12, 18; Lucullus, chs. 3, 43; iii. Pompeius, chs. 48, 77, 80; Alexander, chs. 24, 29, 32; C?sar, ch. 21; Cato Minor, chs. 3

ch. 2; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 56; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 31,

, river of Asia

i. Solon, ch. 28; iii. Alexander, chs. 30, 6

des, ch. 35; ii. Lysander, chs. 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 18, 24; Comparison,

iv. Antoni

yzicenians. _

i. Theseu

of Solon and Poplicola, c

i. Numa

, iv. Ot

ii. Lucul

Alexander, ch

i. These

ian, i. Cami

ii. Marcel

iv. Agis,

ii. Pelopidas

. _See_

t?an hero, ii. Ar

n, iv. Kleom

onian, iii. Al

les, ch. 3; ii. Aristeides

i. Perikl

, ii. Philo

iv. Kleomen

i. Timoleo

i. Pyrrhu

i. Alexander

ii. Lucull

Major, ch. 12; where the text has

. Demosthen

r of Amyklas, i

on Daphne). _

Illyria, i. ?

er of Troy, i.

ield-bearer, iv

road, ii. Su

es, i. Themistokles, ch.

s, iv. Artaxer

esilaus, ch. 15; iii. Alexander, chs. 16, 19, 20,

xerxes II., iv. Art

lake, ii. Lu

ii. Flamin

. Aristei

iv. Agis

of money, iv.

. _See_

alian, ii. Py

i. Perikl

of Peirithous, i

yrrhus, chs. 1, 4, 7; iv. De

ii. Lucul

. 21, 24; iii. Phokion, ch.

led Abantidas, i

ian, iv. Ara

lop?men, chs. 18-21;

i. Alkibia

ii. Alexander, ch. 36; iv. Artaxer

i. These

eius, ch. 73; Cato Minor, chs. 12, 15

c deme, i. Alk

14; Alkibiades, chs. 23, 34; ii

; ii. Lysander, ch. 29; Sull

. Antonius,

s, ch. 12; ii. Aristeides, ch. 25;

in B?otia, ii. P

18; Timoleon, chs. 8, 20; ?milius, chs. 28, 36; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8; Aristeides, ch. 20; Philop?men, chs. 2, 10; Flamininus, ch. 12; Lysander, chs. 18, 25, 26; Sulla, chs. 12

Theseus, ch. 12; at Chalki

6, 20, 22, 26, 27, 30; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 27; Demo

i. Timole

inius Priscus, i. Romulus,

xander, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15

parta, i. Lyk

es, iii. Ph

Timoleon, ch

Demades, iii. P

c tribe, iv. De

of Sikyon, iv.

, ii. Flamininus, ch. 10; iv. De

mparison with Antonius; i. ?milius, ch. 8; ii. Pyrrhus, chs.

eding, king of Cyrene,

Thin, another son of Poliork

s Gonatas, i. ?milius, c

Macedon, i. ?milius, ch.

of Cassius, iv.

, iv. Demosthen

iii. Cato Minor, chs. 65, 66,

n herald, i. T

, ch. 23; ii. Aristeides, chs. 1, 5, 27; iii. Phokion, ch.

, iii. Pompeius, chs. 2,

os, iv. Ara

eidon, iii. Ale

i. These

emetrius, c

, iv. Demosthenes, ch.

, iv. Demet

iv. Demetr

, iv. Demet

, i. Timol

ii. Lucull

an, iv. Demosthe

ian, i. Thes

ii. Lucul

iii. Phoki

heseus, ch. 28;

i. Themisto

of the orator, iv.

ch. 10; ii. Cato Major, chs. 2, 4; Pyrrhus, ch. 14; iii. Alexander,

Alkibiades, ch. 1; iii. Ni

orator, i. Alkibiades, ch

), son of Ph?ax, ii

. Theseu

ronius, iv.

iv. Anton

rgus, chs. 12, 14; i

iii. Phok

eseus, ch. 19; i

i. Romul

rrhus, ch. 17.

i. Coriola

ii. Pelopi

i. Solo

ii. Pyrrh

the Get?, iv. A

, ii. Sull

us, chs. 21, 32; iii

i. Sertori

. C?sar

i. Pompeiu

i. Solo

s, i. Lykur

i. Themisto

Theseus, ch. 36; Themistokle

phax, iii. Se

ii. Pelopid

n of Archelaus, i

s II., governor of Peir

us, ch. 31; Fabius, ch. 10; Timoleon,

osopher, ii. Cat

egara, i. Th

thus, i. Romu

Syrians, iv. Ara

stokles, i. Them

i. Alkibia

e hero, i. R

an, i. Alkibi

servant, iv. A

moleon, chs. 1, 13, 22, 33; Comparison, ch. 22;

i. Lykur

olophon, i. Ti

th, i. Timol

16; Comparison of Alkibiades and Corio

e, iii. Alexa

esia, iv. C

; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 31, 34; Cato Major, ch. 24; Lysander, ch. 2; iii. A

8, 11, 13-16; Comparison, ch. 1; iii. Nikias, ch. 23; iv. Dio

r Syrians, iv.

s, iii. Ni

us, iv. Ar

Athenian, i. Pe

n, ch. 7; iv. Comparison of

Lysander, ch. 22; i

s, iii. Philop?men, ch. 16; Flam

e, iv. Tib. Gr

phitrope, ii. Ar

2; ?milius, chs. 23, 25; ii. Lysander, chs. 12, 18;

urgus, ch. 10; iii.

hilides, i. Them

henian, iv. Dem

oet, iii. N

iii. Agesil

ii. Sulla

. Demetri

Demetriu

8; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1; Lysande

i. Themistokles, ch. 10

iii. Eume

81; friend of Sulla, ii. Sulla, chs. 28,

ius B.C. 44, iii. C?sar, chs. 51, 62; iv. Cicero, ch

ceding, iv. An

ba, ch. 23;

i. Camill

ch. 36; ii. Flamininu

Numa, ch. 19; Poplicola

arty of Marius), consul B.C. 96

iii. Crassus, ch. 15; Comparison, ch. 2; Pompeius, chs. 52, 57, 67; Comparison, c

of Lucius, the preceding), i

he preceding), married to An

s, the preceding), married to the yo

s), the emperor Nero, son of Cn?us,

sius), iii. Sertorius

eius, chs. 54, 69, where the text has Calvinus

in Asia Minor); ii. Lysander, ch. 5 (Dorian character), ch. 24; iii. Ag

the Dorians, i. Th

ysius the elder,

thridates, ii. Sulla, c

Antigonus, i. Co

2; ii. Lysander, ch. 18; iii. Eumenes, ch. 1; Agesilaus, ch. 3; Al

olon, chs.

, i. Perikl

iv. Demetriu

, iv. Demetr

ib. Gracchus, ch. 2;

ng, uncle of Cato Minor),

r of the emperor Tiberiu

28; iv. Kleomenes, ch.

ar, chs. 16, 35; Cato Minor, chs. 53-55; iv. Cicero, ch. 3

us, iii. Sert

ii. Pelopi

t, iii. Phok

i. Theseu

i. Theseu

iv. Anton

. Demetriu

iii. Alexa

Numa, chs

Nikias, chs

iii. Crass

Minor, chs. 35, 56; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 21, and after; Demetrius, chs. 18, 53; Antonius, chs. 3, 33, 36, and after to the end; Brutus, chs. 6, 18, 33; Artaxerxes, chs. 22, 24; Aratus, chs. 4, 12, 15, 46; Galba, chs. 2, 14; Otho, ch. 15; also i. Romulus, ch. 12 (the month Choiac); Lykurgus, ch. 4 (his visi

Kimon, c

i. Theseu

Lykurgus,

silaus, ch. 15; Alexander, chs. 35, 72; i

v. Aratus,

i. Philop?

iv. Dio

, iv. Ag

iv. Agis

sonesus, ii. L

6; iii. Phokion, ch. 33;

. Lykurgu

es, ch. 4; Timoleon, ch.

kles, ch. 29; i

i. Lysande

i. Theseu

des, chs. 22, 34; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 14; Aristeides, chs. 5, 11; Sulla, ch. 6; ii

i. Theseu

ival of, ii. Ari

licium, i. N

imia, i. ?mi

des, ch. 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 24; Philop?men, ch

s, ch. 10, 28; ii. K

iii. Pompe

ds, iii. Ser

i. Romul

iv. Demetr

iv. Brutu

s, i. Thes

. Theseus

, i. Num

i. Marcell

Marcellu

i. Sull

nd after; Marcellus, ch. 21; Comparison, chs. 1, 2; Aristeides, ch. 1; Cato Major, ch. 8; Comparison, ch. 4; Philop?men, chs. 3, 1

man of Augustus, iv

), surname of Sulla

iv. Arat

ch. 21; Lysander, chs. 3, 5, 6; Sulla, ch. 26; Lucullus, chs. 23, 25; iii. Agesilaus, ch.

chs. 7, 9, 10, 16; ii. Kimon, chs.

orator, iv. Demo

ian, iii. Ale

les, ch. 27; Alkibiades, ch. 32; Timoleon, ch. 4; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 1

Numa, ch. 8; Po

. _See_ D

les, ch. 35; ii. Sulla, ch. 12; iii. Pompeius, ch.

iv. Aratu

ii. Lucull

. Themisto

harn?, i. Themi

ed, ii. Pelop

thenian, iii.

ison of Kimon and Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. C?sar, c

es, an Athenian demagogue

iii. Agesi

i. Perikle

s, i. Sol

21; iii. Nikias, ch. 17,

31; Themistokles, ch. 24; ?milius, ch. 29; ii. Flamininus, chs. 3, 5; iii. Alexander, c

, iv. Agi

i. Perikle

i. Theseu

Themistokl

_See_ Lokri

phical term, iv

her of Ph?ax, i.

Demetriu

mistokles, ch. 27; iii. Alexander, ch

us, chs. 3, 13, 19,

i. Themisto

ic tribe, i.

Aratus, chs

i. Themisto

ii. Lysan

Sulla, chs.

ii. Alexand

Antonius

hus, ch. 22; M

ii. Lysand

. Antonius,

rsena); Camillus, chs. 2, 12 (the war with Veii), 15, 16 (the original Tuscan territory), 19, 37, 33; Perikles, ch. 20; Fabius, chs. 2, 3; ?milius, ch. 6 (the Tuscan Sea); ii. Marcellus,

iii. Agesil

les, chs. 7, 22, 23; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Flamininus, ch. 10; Sulla, chs.

artan, ii. Py

iii. Phok

i. Aristeid

. Coriolan

l?us, i. ?mi

ing of Sparta,

of Sparta, i

tan, iv. A

f the elephants, i

yprus, iv. D

s, iv. Tib. Gr

i. Marcell

riolanus, ch. 11

flute-player, ii

i. Aristei

ch. 6; iv. Kleomenes, chs

n, iv. Artax

Athens B.C. 403, ii

das, in power at Athe

hian, i. Tim

. ?milius

. ?milius

i. ?miliu

mparison with Sertorius; iii. Serto

ns, ii. Cato Major, ch.

i. Alkibiades, chs. 22,

. Theseus

iasian, iv. Dem

parta, i. Lyk

i. Sulla

seus, ch. 25, 32;

i. Themistok

, i. Solo

, iv. Ara

mistokles, ch. 13; i

. Crassus, ch. 17; Pompeius, chs. 32, 33, 76; Alexander, ch

iv. Antoni

i. Timole

of Agesilaus, iii.

ides, wife of Archidamus

24; Alkibiades, ch. 13; ii. Ki

29; Marcellus, ch. 21; Comparison, ch. 3; Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 14; Lysander, ch. 15; Sulla, ch. 4; Kimon, ch. 4; iii. Nikias, chs. 17, 29; Crassus, ch. 33; Co

i. Lykurg

, ch. 17; ii. Aristeides, ch. 9; Pyrrhus, ch. 12; iii. Pomp

Pelopidas, chs. 17, 24, 30; Comparison,

la, wife of Ptolem?us I

trius, iv. Demet

okles, chs. 7, 11, 17;

artan, iv. Ant

san, iii. Ni

Athenian, iv.

Kleomene

iii. Alexa

ian officer, iii. N

ia, ii. Flamininus,

i. Lysander, chs. 24, 30; iii. Comparison of A

. 7; probably the same as Euryptolemus, son of Meg

n of Alkibiades, i.

olon, ch. 10; A

s, i. Lyku

i. Theseu

Themistokles, i.

, ii. Kim

, iii. Nik

ucadian, i. Ti

of Hiketes, i.

?, iii. Agesi

ii. Sull

iv. Antoni

les, ch. 20; ii. Marius, chs. 34. 45; Lucullus,

ii. Lysand

ii. Pyrrh

cadian, i. Romu

n, i. ?mili

r Messene, ii. P

t of Perikles, i.

tactics, ii. P

Samos, i. S

uergetes, i. Co

ius, iii. Eu

ii. Alexand

es, i. So

tia, Cicero's wife, ii

. 17, 18, 19; Fabius, c

Hercules, i.

aximus, i. Cam

Numa, ch. 12; Camil

omulus, chs. 3, 9,

onsul, last in B.C. 295, i. Fabi

ictator, i.

rikles, ch. 2; ?milius, ch. 5; ii. Marcellus, chs. 9, 21, 25; Cato

ch. 24; Compare i. ?milius, ch. 5; he is

lius Paulus, i. ?milius

brogicus, iv. C.

enant of Lucullus,

sul B.C. 45, iii

llius, iv. Galba, chs. 10, 15,

lus, murderer of Galb

of Aristeides and Cato, chs. 1, 4; Pyrr

ns, i. Camillus, ch

of Falerii, i. Camillus, chs. 2,

i. Marius

orian, iv. Tib.

. C. Gracchus

r of Sulla, ii.

i. Romulus,

Pompeius, chs. 42, 47; Comparison, ch. 1; C?s

3; Comparison, ch. 4; C?sar, chs. 21, 33, 41; C

of Sulla, ii.

ulla, ch. 28; iii

or Grove, i. R

ulus, chs. 17, 24, 25; Poplic

ii. Sull

a, chs. 12, 23, 24, 25; Lucullus, chs

i. Cato Ma

ius, iv. Galba,

.C. 195, ii. Cato Majo

ards killed by Fimbria, ii. Marius, ch.

the poet, ii. L

nalis. _See_

Cato Major, ch. 17; Fl

men; i. ?milius, ch. 8; ii. Cato Major, chs. 12, 19; Com

s, chs. 2, 3; ii. M

i. Marcellus, ch. 2

of the people, ii

her of Vespasian,

tus's engineers, i

e soldiers, ii. M

iv. Antoni

Pompeius,

trius, iv.

ito, iv. Ant

Germany, iv.

?, i. Coriol

ii. Lysand

arcellus, ch. 29; Comparison,

ii. Pyrrhu

lla, ch. 31; iii. Sertorius,

r of Marius, ii

le lady, iv.

tony, iv. Anto

ica, the, iii.

, i. Comparison of Fabius and Perikle

consul, ii. Ma

chus, ch. 18, and probably ch. 21; Flavius Flaccus, ch. 18

he people, ii. F

. Camill

_See_

lleague with C

th Flamininus, ii

the Servile war, i

v. Antoniu

g of, i. Cori

ii. Eumene

lus, ch. 5; Ca

ius, chs. 25, 27, 48; Cato Minor, ch. 33; i

f Sulla, ii. Sul

iz, iii. Sert

Marcellus, c

iv. Dio

i. Pompei

a mountain in Phokis

33; iii. Crassus, ch. 17; Pompeius, chs. 30, 3

s, afterwards consul, ii. ?milius, chs. 30,

of Sulla, i.

cius, pr?tor, iv

under C?sar, ii

f the emperor, cited as a hi

emperor, iv. Life

i. ?mili

ral of Otho, iv. Oth

ugustus, iv. An

nant of Antonius, i

nsidius, iii.

iii. Alexan

i. Alexand

i. Theseus,

tle of Arbela was fought

52, 57, 59, 64, 66, 67; Cato Minor, chs. 33, 45, 49, 51; iv. Cicero, ch. 30; Antonius, ch. 5. The Gauls in Greece, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 22, 26, 28, 30, and compare ii. Kimon, ch. 1; Comparison of Agis and Kleomenes and the Gracchi, ch. 2; Aratus, ch. 38. Gauls near the Danube, i. ?milius, chs. 9, 11. Gallic horse, ii. Lucullus, ch. 28; iii. Crassus, chs. 17, 25; iv. Antonius, chs. 37, 41; and compare Pompeius, ch. 7. Gauls in the Servile War, iii. Crassus, chs. 8, 9; the revolt of Gaul, iv. Galba, chs. 4, 6, 10, 11, 18, 22; Otho, chs

der, ch. 25; iv.

ii. Alexand

vestal, i.

al?a, i. Comparison of

h. 35; ii. Kimon, ch

. Pompeiu

ii. Pyrrh

tic tribe, i.

mphidius into Spain,

B.C. 72, iii. Crassus, ch. 9; Pompeius, ch

enator, iv. C

irot, ii. Py

h. 16; Timoleon, ch.

of Pompeius, iii.

Antonius, iv. A

cina, ii. Ma

. ?milius,

v. C. Gracc

i. Lykurg

iii. Agesi

ii. Pelopi

eomenes, ch. 20

iii. Phok

of Drusus, iv. A

Antonius, ch. 87; of Vite

. _See_

omparison of Crassus and Nikias, ch. 4; Pompeius, ch. 67; C?sar, chs. 18, 19, 22, 23, 5

Antonius

Artaxerxe

nian commander, i

al at Cann?, i.

i. Cato Major, chs. 12, 14; Philop?men, chs

ch. 33; iii. Pompeius,

. 28; Comparison of Lys

poem by Cicero,

ii. Pyrr

f Hypereides, iii

ician, iii. Ale

ojan war, iv.

henian, i. Pe

ilius, ch. 8; iv

Crete, i. Th

nd, i. Peri

i. Romulus,

ii. Lysander

ersian, ii.

ii. Caesa

_See_ A

rinthian, iii.

, iii. Alexa

ppadocian, ii

, chs. 11, 26, 29, 30;

eontini, ii.

ician, iv. C

f Eumenes, iii.

n, ii. Pelopidas,

Leonidas, i. Ly

ii. Pelopid

. Timoleo

lop?men, ch. 13;

i. Lucull

Gracchus, chs. 4, 8;

acchi, ii. Marcellus, ch. 5; Cato Major,

son with Agis and Kleomenes; Agis,

ith Agis and Kleomenes; Agis, ch. 2;

of Sertorius, iii

lus, ch. 19; iii.

of Marius, ii. M

iii. C?sa

. Coriolanus, ch. 11

iv. Dion

ch. 23; Comparison of ?milius and Timoleon, ch. 2; ii. Lysand

Agiatis, iv. K

of Demosthenes, iv.

urgus, ch. 4; iii. Al

iii. Sertor

p?men, ch. 14; iv.

a, i. Theseus, ch. 27;

in Thrace, iii.

iii. Alexander,

haps the same as the father of Theramenes

. Phokion, chs.

iii. Alexan

Attic township, i

ce of Timon, iv.

otia, ii. Su

ander, chs. 28, 29

es, ch. 1; iii. Alexander, c

township, ii.

, ii. Pyrr

iv. Demosth

er in Sicily

thaginian, i. T

i. Fabius, ch. 17; i

s. 1, 9, 10, and after, 24, 25, and after; Comparison, chs. 1, 2, 3; Cato Major, chs. 1, 12; Comparison, ch. 5; Flamininus, chs. 9,

Timoleon

er of light troops,

, chs. 8, 10, 35, 41; Phokion, chs. 21 22;

rthaginian, i.

Hannibal, ii. F

v. Antoniu

ii. Sull

e, or Hekale, i.

of Kardia, iii.

of Miletus, i.

of Abdera), a writer,

ch. 13; ii. Cato Major, ch. 5, where it is translat

iii. Pompeius, ch. 29; iv. B

nian, iii. Phoki

iter, iii. Ale

f Olorus, mother of Ki

tus, i. So

34; Comparison, ch. 6; Solon, ch. 4;

rhus, ii. Pyrrhus,

ii. Lysander, ch. 29;

t, iii. Alex

kus, iv. Di

isson in Arcadia, iv

n Egypt, i. S

favourite, iv

Theseus, chs. 17, 25, 26,

ian, iv. Di

28, 30; ii. Aristeides, ch. 9, 10; Lysander, chs. 9, 20, 24; Sulla, ch. 23; Lucu

, iii. C?s

of Cicero, iv

iscus, iv. G

, i. Romu

i. These

i. Eumenes, chs. 1, 2; Alexander, chs

, perhaps Tifata,

at Athens, ii.

i. Lysander, ch. 22;

ntory near Corinth, iii. Agesilau

ia, ii. Kimon, ch.

y, ii. Pyrr

Flamininus, ch. 15; i

Cuma, iv. Arta

hemistokles, ch. 27; Camillus, ch. 22; Per

san, iii. Ni

on, chs. 12, 32, 33, 37

Patr?, iv. Ant

, ch. 28; Camillus, ch.

s. Pillars of Herakles or Hercules, i. Timoleon, ch. 20; iii. Nikia

er and Barsine, ii

orest, ii. M

. Theseus, chs. 20,

nt of Sertorius, ii

amily of the Herenni

ion, iv. Cic

ii. Pelopidas, ch. 13;

i. Lucullu

iii. Pompe

i. Poplic

us and Helen, i. Comparison

stokles, ch. 5; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; Alexander

us, chs. 5, 22; Solon, chs. 2, 6, 11; iii. Alex

et, i. Perikle

n, iii. Nikias, chs. 1,

iii. Alexan

enian, i. Alki

san, iii. Ni

, i. Perik

henian, i. Th

d to be alluded to in i. Theseus, ch

of Aristotle, iii

ud?a, iv. Antonius

Cicero, iv.

i. Theseus, chs. 26,

Bithynian, i.

Themistokles, chs. 7, 17, 21; ii. Aris

f Samos, ii.

s, iv. Bru

s, chs. 14, 18, 19;

Solon, ch. 2; Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Comparison

istokles, ch. 8;

s at Klazomen?, ii

t Syracuse, ii. M

. _See_

ia, ii. Marius, ch. 40;

_See_

iii. Crassus, ch. 17

hsayer, iii.

. Themistokles, ch. 24; i

i. Pyrrhus, chs. 17, 21, 27; iii. Eu

Carrh?, iii. C

ii. Aristeides, ch. 27;

yracuse, ii. Ma

Timoleon

ni, i. Timoleon, chs. 7,

usan, iv. D

i. Timoleon, ch. 23;

emetrius Phalereus, iv

er of Asklepiades, i

rgus, iii. N

eedman, iv. Anton

, i. Lykurgus

i. Alkibi

ther of Dion,

Dion, iv. D

pirot, ii. Py

an, iv. Anto

phist, i. Lykurgus,

iv. Kleome

Messina, i. Timol

usan, iv. D

fe of Pelops, i

of Pelopidas, ii

i. Theseu

thenian general,

matician, i.

ian, ii. Cato

f Peisiatratus,

n, i. Alkibi

yracuse, ii. Marce

Amazon, i. Th

eseus, i. Theseus, ch

wrestling-master,

Spartan, iv.

iend of Solon, i

ias, i. Perikles, ch.

r Vibo, in Lucania,

as, ii. Pelo

43, i. ?milius, ch. 38; iv. Cicer

nd Cato, ch. 3; Philop?men, chs. 1, 4, 9; Pyrrhus, ch. 22; Marius ch. 11; Kimon, ch. 7; iii. Nikias, ch. 9; Sertorius, ch. 8; Agesilaus, ch. 5; Alexander, ch. 26; Phokion, ch. 17; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 9; Tib. Gracchus, ch. 21; Demetrius, ch. 42; Antonius, ch. 25; Brutus, ch.

h?ronea, ii. Sul

ntonius, iv.

ii. Pyrrhu

in B?otia, ii.

at Haliartus, ii.

der the name of Flaccu

ul, i. Poplicola

i. Poplico

t Athens, i. T

manding in Germany, iv.

t of Sulla, ii. Sulla

ch. 35; Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Cato M

C?sar, ch. 32; iv. Antonius,

of Tullus the king, i

. Romulus, ch. 18; Numa, ch

eneral, i. ?m

, i. Romul

an festival, ii.

n of Amyklas,

s in Sicily, iii

rator, iv. An

i. Alexander

lse reading for Cypr

i. Alkibiades ch. 39

Herakles, ii.

. Romulu

eban, ii. Pel

iv. Kleome

3; ii. Aristeides, ch. 7; iii. N

s, i. Camil

kion, chs. 4, 7, 10, 17, 23, 26, 27,

peius, ch. 55; Ca

s, i. Solo

, iii. Pomp

ro, ii. Arist

h. 21; Comparison, ch. 4; Pompeius, chs. 34, 35

ii. Crassus, chs. 18, 22, 3

5; Camillus, ch. 19; Alkibiade

e, ii. Arist

etrius, ch. 22. The town is mentioned as the b

. 16; ii. Pyrrhus, ch.

i. Pompeiu

o, iii. Sert

f Spain. _

us, chs. 26, 31; iii. Pompeius,

rison of Lykurgu

anus, iv. Gal

i. Crassu

Numa, ch. 15; ii

. Agesilau

f Lynkeus, i. T

10, 35; ii. Aristeides, chs. 1, 4, 10; iii.

, prince of Caria, i

gnatius, iii.

i. Perikl

f Numitor, i. Ro

Sulla, ii. S

i. Numa

cullus, chs. 10, 12. _Se

peius, chs. 48, 59; Alexander, chs. 3, 9, 11; C?sar, chs. 14, 31; Cato Minor, ch. 33; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 10, 27, 28; Comparis

ii. Phoki

ges are iv. Demetrius, chs. 7, 32. _See_ also i. Lykurgus, ch. 4; ?milius, ch. 12; iii. Crassus, ch. 16; Comparis

, iii. Alexa

of Kadmus, i.

Mithridates, iii.

cus, iv. Anto

, ii. Marcellus

ipater, iii. Alexa

of Herakles, ii.

. Demetriu

s. 5, 28; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 2, where Si

nian, i. ?mi

uthus, i. So

kibiades, chs. 23, 24, and after; ii. Aristeides, ch. 26; Lysander, ch. 23; K

Theseus, ch. 25. Ionian S

, ch. 36; ii. Lucullus, ch. 18; Crassus, ch. 32; Phokion, ch. 19

. 15 (in the Greek text); Sulla, ch. 20; iii

of Iphikles, i.

isistratus, ii. C

nd, iii. Ser

scended from Theseus

i. These

2; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 22; iv.

eus, ch. 6; Lyku

us, ch. 4; iv. D

i. Sertor

s maid, iv. Anto

, consul B.C. 43,

Demosthen

sul B.C. 79, ii. Sulla, ch. 28; ii

of the preceding,

nthian, i. Ti

bidas, iii. Ag

ii. Lucull

Antonius,

heban, ii. Pe

eding?), ii. Pelopidas, chs.

i. Perikles, ch. 1;

n B?otia, iv. De

f Kimon, ii. Ki

ch. 12; ii. Cato Major, ch. 23; iv. D

in B?otia, ii.

ii. Agesila

Alexander,

12, 17, 21; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; Alexander, ch. 14; C?sar, ch. 58; i

h. 23; Themistokles, ch. 21; Timoleon, ch. 26; ii

. Theseus, ch. 34; i

Themistokles, i. T

Roma, Romulus, i.

Italians

Samos, i. Per

, ch. 24; Kimon, ch.

island of Keos, iv.

iv. Agi

uma, ch. 22; ii

Numa, ch

Theseus, chs. 19,

, ii. Pelopi

an actor, iii.

peius, ch. 76; C?sar, chs. 52, 53,

14, 15, 17; Numa, chs. 7, 13; ii. Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus, ch.

tus Vibullius Rufus,

44; iv. Cicero, ch. 7; Antonius, chs. 3, 3

ius, chs. 7. 8. 10. 11. 12; Sulla,

. C. Gracch

f Antonius, iv.

t of C?sar, ii. Marius,

r, iii. Pompeius, chs. 49, 53, 70; C?s

tus, ii. Marcellus, ch.

or, i. Camil

Romulus, ch. 28

r, iii. Sert

s, iv. Gal

tus, wife of Cassius

, dictator, i.

of Asia, iii.

us. _See

nor, chs. 21, 23; iv. Cic

anding in Gaul, iv. Galba,

us, chs. 14, 15, 18

i. Marcell

9; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 6, 12, 13, 16; iii. Age

eoptolemus, ii.

i. Pompei

Alexander, c

i. Pompeius, ch. 24; Phokion, ch.

, i. Alkibi

iii. Niki

24; ii. Aristeides, chs. 5, 25; Comparison

les, ch. 24; Alkibiade

se, iv. Demos

ii. Lysan

untain, ii. Cat

Arrhenides, iv. De

ender, iv. Ph

henian architect,

n, i. Ariste

n, iii. Ages

san, iii. Ni

ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2; Lysander, ch

mparison of Cato an

r, ii. Lucullu

san, iii. Ni

t, iv. Anto

i. Phokion, chs. 27, 33, 3

riolanus, ch. 11;

, ii. Sul

ibiades, ch. 32; ii

of Timoleon and ?milius, ch. 2; iii. Nikias

henian orator, iv.

f Lucullus, ii.

ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17; Aristeides, ch. 27; Sulla, ch. 36; Kimon,

henian orator, iv.

Mithridates, ii.

. _See_ C

iv. Aratu

oar, i. Thes

iv. Dion

. _See_

i. These

iii. Phok

ii. Pelopi

ii. Sull

, a friend of Aratu

ian, ii. Py

omenes, ch. 4;

a. _See_

ii. Alexan

iii. Sertorius, ch. 1

_See_

ii. Alexand

or, ch. 22; Lucullus, c

s. _See_

. _See_

Alexander, ch. 74; Phokion, chs. 31, 32; iv. Demosthenes

hter of Priam,

iv. Demetr

. _See_

, 34; ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; iii. Ni

Dion, ch. 26.

29; iv. Demetrius, ch. 49

alinus, iii. Al

rison of Theseus

enes, ch. 8; iv.

_See_

ch. 38; iv. Demetrius, ch

eon, ch. 35; ii. Aristeides, ch. 2: iii

iv. Arat

wgiver, i. Tim

, ii. Pelopi

s, iii. Pho

ca, i. Theseus, ch. 12;

, chs. 16, 20; iii. Alexander,

; Kimon, ch. 5; iii. Phokion,

tains, iii. Ph

lemy, ii. Pyr

i. Camillu

iv. Dio

Theseus, c

Kilikians. _

v. Demetr

, 20, 24, 30; Perikles, chs. 5, 7, 9, 10, 16, 27; Comparison, chs. 1, 3; Alkibiades, chs. 19, 22; ii. Pe

, father of Miltiad

enian, iii. Ph

s, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 1

s, ch. 31; Numa, c

i. Alexand

ii. Lysand

hs. 11, 14; Lysander, ch. 2

parison, ch. 1; iii. Alexander

. Phokion

i. Solo

_See_

biades, ch. 28; ii

iv. Demetri

ii. Philop

rikles, ch. 21; ii

sician, iii. Cat

pher, i. Alki

edonian, iv. Dem

iv. Artaxerxes,

19, 27; Themistokles, ch.

i. Solon,

ibiades, i. Alkib

Aratus, iv. Ar

s, ch. 3; ii. Aristeide

istokles, ch. 27; ii

, iv. Cicero

rgus, ch. 2; Kleitor

, iii. Alexander,

an, iii. Phoki

Brutus, iv. B

i. Solo

ii. Ariste

ii. Pyrr

partan, iii. Al

idas, chs. 13, 20, 23; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch

ta, son-in-law of Leonidas, i

i. Romulu

iv. Demetri

thenian, ii. Ly

tan, i. So

rta, son of Kleombro

fe and Comparison with the Gracchi; ii. Philop?me

Nikias, chs. 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9; Comparison, chs.

ii. Lysander, ch. 25;

Sikyon, iv.

17; iii. Phokion, ch. 29; iv. Kleomenes,

ii. Kimo

iv. Demetri

Sparta, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 27;

drias, Agesilau

iv. Aratu

. _See_ C

iii. Phoki

i. Themisto

Chalkis, ii. Fla

i. Agesila

i. Alexand

v. Aratu

i. Theseu

gus, ch. 6; ii. P

h. 12; Lucullus, ch. 3; iii. Agesilaus, ch.

i. Theseu

ii. Kimo

i. Solon

i. Alexand

ii. Lucullus, ch. 14; iii.

. Solon,

v. Demosthe

i. Philop?

ch. 36; ii. Lysander, c

i. Solon

i. Alexand

i. These

eral, i. Alkibiades, ch. 37; ii. Lysander, ch. 11; Sulla,

iii. Phoki

of Aidoneus, i.

i. Theseu

. _See_

i. Perikl

ibiades, ch. 1; ii. Lysander, ch.

us, son of Demetrius,

s, father of Demetrius's mother

eseus, ch. 8, Co

; Alkibiades, ch. 27

i. Pompei

ii. Alexand

Agesilaus,

rinth, iii. Al

ii. Phokion, ch. 26; iv. Demost

6, 7, 8; Alexander, chs. 40. 41. 47. 55; Phokion, chs

onus Gonatas, ii. Aristei

. Demetriu

v. Kleomenes,

s, iv. Deme

. 25; Perikles, chs. 3

s, ch. 75; iv. Cicero,

i. Philop?

; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 29; C

, i. Lykur

. Timoleon,

9; Alkibiades, chs. 33,

. Aristei

s, i. Solo

i. Perikl

v. Demosthe

i. These

i. Theseu

28; iii. Alexander, ch

axerxes, chs. 1,

riter, iv. Dem

ii. Kim

iv. Demosth

okion, ch. 7; iv.

. Artaxerx

ands, ii. K

, i. These

, i. Solo

heseus, ch. 10

kia, iii. Alexander,

. Theseus

hus, ch. 32; iv. Kle

Solon, c

les, ch. 25; iv. A

parison of Cato an

ii. Agesil

i. Themist

ch. 27; ii. Pelopidas, c

i. Themistokles, ch. 10

iv. Arat

f Asia, iii. Po

ain of, iv. De

Comparison, ch. 3; Agesilaus,

8; ii. Lucullus, chs. 9, 10, 12, 3

Brutus, iv. Bru

Coriolanu

Pompeius, chs. 64, 68; C?sar, chs. 18, 34

thians (son of preceding), i

imon, i. Perikles, ch.

n habits _see_, besides Lykurgus, ii. Lysander, chs. 1, 19; Agesilaus, ch. 1; iv. Agis, ch. 11; and Kleomenes, ch. 1. Laced?monian wom

e of Spain, ii. C

of Athens, iv.

n, iv. Anton

orinthian, ii.

Juno in Bruttium, ii

rite of Galba, iv. Galba

hus, ch. 27; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; Agesilaus, chs. 23, 28, 31, 32; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 4,

d the Lakiadas, i. Alkibiade

Athenian, i. Pe

artan Ephor, ii.

rator, iv. Demo

surnamed Sapiens, iii. Cato Minor

ro, iv. Comparison of Demo

Antonius

a senator, iv. Br

of Ulysses, iv.

ius, ii. Pyrrhus,

Alkibiades, ch. 39;

f ?dipus, ii. P

ikles, ch. 19; Alkibiades, chs. 1, 17

an orator, iv. D

hs. 10, 16, 19, 24, 25,

iii. Eumenes, ch. 3; Phokion, chs. 23, 26;

Archidamus, iii.

n diviner, i. P

general, ii. Sulla, ch

's grandfather, iv

ch. 29; Alkibiades, ch. 36;

ownship, ii. Aristeides, ch

urnius, iii. S

f Agathokles, ii. P

Kleod?us, ii.

le of Spain, iii.

is, iv. Kleom

Priam, i. Theseus, ch

Syria, iv. An

Athenian, ii.

nus, iv. Demos

iii. Nikias, ch. 1

yracusan, i. Ti

i. Theseu

la, ch. 23; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 16; Pompeius, ch

a, iv. Anto

Elis, ii. Phi

ch. 16; (another of the name

in B?otia, ii.

Ptolem?us VIII., i.

Poplicola, chs. 7, 21; Camillus, chs. 33, 34 (the Latin feast days or holidays), 10, 42; Coriolanus, chs. 3,

us, i. Corio

lemachus, i.

i. Camill

another Laurentia, i.

atium, i. Romul

. Themistokles, ch. 4

ii. Sertorius, ch.

ii. Sul

Latium. _

r of Latinus, i.

us, ch. 23; Coriol

ii. Lysander, ch. 28

iv. Galb

nth, iv. Kleomenes, c

y in the Troad, i

an tribe, iii.

. 25; ii. Aristeides, c

peius, ch. 73 (Sp

ius, at Cann?, i

llius Poplicola, B.C. 72, and censor with him,

rnelius, consul B.C. 56

i. C?sar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, chs. 22, 26; iv. C

h Pompeius at Pharsalia, iii. Pompeius, chs. 49,

of the preceding,

ii. Pompeius, chs. 59, 73, 80; C?sa

nant of Flamininus, i

ero's son in-law, a Lentulus b

at Capua, iii.

r's host at Milan,

son of Alkm?on, i.

lptor, iii. Al

Perikles, ch. 16; Compariso

ntalkidas, iv. Ar

iii. Nikias, ch. 2

s tutor, iii. Alexan

an, i. Lyku

Themistokles, ch. 9; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; iv.

s, ch. 40; iv. Agis, chs. 3, 7, 10, 11

iii. Eumenes, ch. 3; Alexander

nian, ii. Py

eban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 6

; ii. Marcellus, ch. 14; Pyrrhus, ch. 22; iii. N

i. Themistokles, ch. 1

enian, i. Th

hus, ch. 1; iii. Phokion, chs. 7, 23, 24

us, ch. 12; Themistokles, ch. 21; ii.

. 23; ii. Lysander, ch. 22; iii. Agesi

an, ii. Pyr

tellus Scipio, iii

, president of the Sena

. Sulla, chs. 34, 38; iii. Pompeius

63, 67; iv. Cicero, ch. 46; Antonius, chs.

us the elder, i. Timoleon, c

58, perhaps the same as Leptines, despot

the sons of Demetrius

h. 1; iv. Kleomenes,

; Alkibiades, chs. 12, 24; ii. Aristeides,

fe of Italus, i.

24; Timoleon, chs. 8, 15; iii. Pompeius, c

o, ii. Ariste

township, iv. De

, i. Cami

idas, chs. 20, 25, 30; Comparison, chs. 1, 2; Lysander, ch. 18; Comparison,

rs of Skedasus, ii

pidas, ch. 20; iv.

, i. ?milius,

. Antoni

i. Marius, Sulla, chs. 1, 3; iii. Sertorius, ch. 9; Pompeius, C?sar, Cato Minor, and iv. Antonius. The Libyan

artan, iv.

hynia, ii. Flam

artan, ii. K