Giordano Bruno

as Bruno. His name hardly occurs in any of the writers of his own or the following century; when it does occur, it is mentioned o

many philosophers, both before and after they were placed upon the Index Expurgatorius in 1603. A natural consequence of this public ban would be that Bruno was no longer quoted or referred to as an authority; but all thinkers of sceptical or liberal tendency would at least be eager to read his works when the opportunity offered itself. Owing to t

n interesting note, for it shows that Bruno's antipathy to Ramus was returned by Ramus' followers,-an antipathy so difficult to understand when we remember that both were reformers in philosophy, and that both zealously attacked Aristotle. The work against which G. P. writes is Alexander Dicson's De Umbra rationis et iudicii, sive de memoriae virtute Prosopopoeia, dedicated to the Earl of Leicester (1583). There can be no doubt that it is based upon Bruno's De Umbris Idearum (1582), with which it agrees both in substance and in metaphysical basis. Dicson, as already pointed out, was one of Bruno's mouthpieces in an Italian dialogue. Here at least is an avenue for influence from Bruno upon English thought. Unfortunately Dicson's work is not of great value, and, with the man himself, has long been forgotten. But G. P.'s reliance upon Moffat's support to repel "the attacks of Scepsius,[607] and the wrath and viol

imagination is kept within stricter bounds, yet men have not ceased imagining. "Patrizzi, Talesio, Bruno, Severin of Denmark, Gilbert of England, Campanella, have tried the stage, acted new plays which were neither marked by applauding favour of the public, nor by brilliancy of plot." The names are those of men with whom it is no shame for Bruno to stand side by side; and one and all are instances of Bacon's incapacity for grasping the true direction in which the thought of his time was flowing; but the mere mention of Bruno in such a context implies that his works were still read, and that they were estimated at a high value by the lovers of "philosophy." There are, however, many points of contact between Bacon and Bruno, s

the Aristotelian philosophy upon the minds of men. "It is the old age of the world and the fulness of years that are to be regarded as its true antiquity. For that age, with respect to us ancient and older, with respect to the world itself was new and younger." "As we expect greater knowledge and maturer judgment from an old man than from a young, so from our own age we should expect (if it knew its strength, and were willing to make trial and to put it forth) far greater things than from old times," etc.[614] So faith and religion are to be kept apart from investigation, science, or philosophy, although the latter does not on that account carry us away from God; the one shows the will, the other (natural philosophy) the power of God.[615] To faith are to be given the things that are of faith, to philosophy the things that are of philosophy.[616] It was on the same ground also-the use of other than natural principles to explain natural phenomena-that both Bruno and Bacon condemned

adheres, and as such is actually named by Bacon the natura naturans.[620] Omnia animata.So with Bacon, as with Bruno, Campanella, and Telesius, all things are endowed with life, with sensation, with soul, which is the inward principle of their external movements. He ridiculed Gilbert, who first suggested a scientific explanation of magnetism and electricity, and put forward on his own account as a theory of electrical attraction that "friction excites the appetite of bodies for contact, which appetite does not like air much, but prefers something else which is tangible." The phenomena of chemical affinity and the like were also explained, precisely as Campanella or Cardan would account for them, by the delight in mutual contact, i.e. by an inherent sensibility, and desire or striving of like towards like.[621] In both Bacon and Bruno, also, this universal animism is combined with an atomistic theory of mechanical nature, and with the belief that no physical phenomenon is understood until it can be expressed in mathematical terms: "the more our inquiry inclines to simple natures, the plainer and clearer shall things become; for we shall have to deal with the simple instead of the manifold, the computable instead of the surd, the definite and certain instead of the vague,-as in the elements of letters, and the notes of harmonies, and an inquiry is best conducted when the physical is defined by the mathematical."[622] The last result of analysis is not, with either Bacon or Bruno, the atom of the Epicurean physics, viz. an immutable substance floating in empty space; but Bacon's particulae verae are much more confusedly thought out than the Italian's theory-of a subtle ethereal matter diffused throughout the universe, and of the denser atoms which are in constant motion within it. There is, however, the same perpetual flux and reflux in matter with Bacon as with Bruno.[623] In the last resort, Bacon took refuge in a hope of future explanation-always, however, by simple, positive, computable factors-regarding atoms and void, as on a par with materia prima, human abstractions, entirely unfruitful, not light-bringing "anticipations of nature." In regard to the relation between the human understanding and nature, both had absolute convictions of the power of the former, directed by the rules of experience and limited by the data of sensation, to comprehend the latter; but while Bruno saw in the negative limits of the understanding a positive hint of a reality beyond, the

us.[627] Galilei, a thorough diplomatist, would hardly have gone so far:[628] yet in the metaphysical basis of his theory of the universe, and in his theory of knowledge, he only elaborates ideas already suggested by Bruno.[629] But Kepler, fearless before men, shrank from the thought of the infinite world in which Bruno found a glorious freedom for the play o

mentions the latter only by indication in his earlier work,-the Amphitheatre of the Eternal Providence (p. 359)-"Nonnulli semiphilosophi novi

" in the preface to the Articuli adv. Mathematicos.[633] "As to the liberal arts, so far from me is the custom or institution of believing masters or parents, or even the common sense which (by its own account) often and in many ways is proved to deceive us and lead us astray, that I never settle anything in philosophy rashly or without reason; but what is thought perfectly certain and evident, whenever and wherever it has been brought into controversy, is as doubtful to me as things that are thought too difficult of belief, or too absurd." But this is still very far from the universal doubt of Descartes,-doubt, not of this or that particular opinion or belief, but of all possible beliefs. Bruno's aim was knowledge, to add to or correct the sum of general opinion as to the world as a whole, as to man's relation to it and to God; Descartes' was certainty, to find a basis from which a system of thought might be built up de novo, and from which at the same time a secure ground for morality and religion might

ching of Epicurus in a fairer light than popular prejudice allowed, but while Gassendi followed Epicurus in his atomism only too strictly, Bruno was much more independent, and advanced much nearer to the modern view. So in his general theory of the system of the world, Gassendi stops half-way-with the conception of a limited matter, but in an endless space, of a beginning for the world, but in an endless time, of a plurality of worlds with the earth as centre of our system: here also it is Bruno that is the more advanced, and the more daring thinker;-yet, from the respect with which Gassendi writes of C

everal parts which are more or less independent of one another, and which represent tentative approaches towards the finished Ethics; but it differs from the Ethics in the far greater prominence of the mystical, Neoplatonist element. Pollock suggests that it may have been his free-thinking teacher Dr. Van den Ende who introduced Spinoza to Br

noza: rather it is a living fountain, gushing forth in the infinite streams of living beings: the whole of nature is the expression of its own inward being. The One is in process; the whole, in which this process results, is a harmony every member of which has its own independent reality and worth, over against all others, as a manifestation of divinity. The life of the one is that of its members; all are necessary to it, as it to them. Carrière[640] indeed places Bruno above Spinoza as having found in the one a self-consciousness, a subject infinite in that it knows itself and all things in itself, preserving all things, as necessary to its external enjoyment and love; while Spinoza is still within the bonds of substance-in God there is neither understanding nor will, in Him all difference vanishes, the modes are an illusion. So the Spinozistic parallelism between thought and matter finds its counterpart in Bruno, with whom all that is thought, all that

verse as a whole, and individual moral responsibility with the necessary goodness of the all. The corresponding relativity of evil, the fallacy of "fortune" or "chance" (as anything but "uncertainty" of the finite

e Tractate also there is more emphasis laid upon the goodness of God, as the source of the infinite world of finite beings, whereas in the Ethics a logical, mechanical necessity takes its place. It is in the second, more mystical and ethical part, of the treatise, however, that the influence of the Nolan philosopher is most apparent, and here it is the Summa Terminorum or Heroici Furori that seems to have formed the direct or indirect source of many of the conceptions-such, for example, as the distinction between Ratio and Intellectus. Ratio.Ratio is discursive thought, building up knowledge by successive steps; Intellectus "intuitive thought," direct and simultaneous perception of the whole of the object-the only adequate or complete form of knowledge, for which reasoning is merely a preparation in us. Our knowledge of God, so far as it is possible at all, is of the second type: we cannot know Him as he is, through His effects, His creation: it is only the few to whom He reveals Himself that can know Him as He is, by direct contact with Him. Yet this revelation is constantly open to all men; for each and all God is, always, intimately present, "more intimately than each is to himself."[645] Other ideas which Sigwart has found common to the Short Tractate and the writings of Bruno, are those of the Love of God as springing from the knowledge of God; the correspondence between the degrees or stages of love and those of knowledge; the inability of our minds to rest in a finite object or finite good, the constant pressure onwards towards other and other objects; the contrast between sensible love and intellectual love; God

e point of view of the whole, good:-in Bruno because in God truth and goodness, will and understanding, are one; in Leibniz because of the will of God, which has chosen for the best: evil is finitude, or again is ignorance, an error of standpoint. In both freedom and necessity are one, because the necessity belongs to God's own nature; He wills out of Himself, undetermined, uninfluenced from without, and this is freedom. In both, as we have seen, the principle of sufficient reason is a ground both for the infinite number and infinite variety of the finite beings in the universe, and for the impossibility that two should exist which are exactly identical one with another. Were it known that Leibniz had studied Bruno before his system was formed, we might almost say that he had chosen that aspect of the Nolan philosophy which with Spinoza had been disregarded, viz. the aspect in which all rights are given to the finite individual, and to the world of finite beings, as each representing the infinite, containing the infinite in itself, and, so far as possibility goes, each of infinite divine worth. Whereas just that side which appealed to Spinoza would have failed to touch Leibniz-the side in which God appears as one with the universe, not as beyond or outside of it, but as immanent in the who

nvolved in the present, "the present is pregnant with the future,"-the phenomenality of sense-objects-God as the highest monad, etc. He argues that Leibniz derived his idea that "the monads have no windows by which anything can enter or depart" from casual remarks by Bruno as to the "windows of the soul," "the gates of the senses" by which images enter in, or "the chinks and holes" by which we gaze outwards upon the world. The coup de grace was given to this legend, for so we must call it, by Ludwig Stein in his Leibniz und Spinoza.[649] He showed that Leibniz was already in full possession of the idea of the monad at least ten years before he found the most fitting expression for it, and that after 1696 he used the word "Monad" always as the distinctive badge or typical name for his substances or forces; that before 1700 he knew of Bruno only one of the Lullian works (the De Arte Combinatoria, v. Dutens, ii. 367), and perhaps the mathematical articles (adv. Mathematicos, ib. iii. 147). Apart from these works, which could have no reference to his own philosophy, h

e or advancement for his philosophy from them. Stein has in any case shown that the term "Monad" came to Leibniz, not from Bruno at all, but from the younger Van

ined and Gallicised imitation of the Candelaio; in its turn it suggested, perhaps, the Pédant Joué of Cyrano de Bergerac, and some of the pedant-scenes in Molière.[654] In 1634 in Eng

"very little danger" in it. This did not prevent him from taking Bruno as a text for a would-be humorous disquisition on Atheism. Toland.It was John Toland,[658] the "poor denizen of Grub Street," and once famous, or infamous, author of Christianity not Mysterious, who in England first paid Bruno something of the respect he deserved. His championship was not, perhaps, of the most discerning or of the most valuable, but it was honest. A copy of the Spaccio had come into his possession,-one which he believed to be the only one then in existence,-and as a result of his reading he claimed Bruno as the founder of free thought. He had studied the sayings on Divine Magic in that work, and had fastened on the fact that Bruno "regarded magic as nothing but a more recondite, non-vulgar, although perfectly natural wisdom." This was certainly true; but Toland added, "So he sometimes calls the eternal vicissitude of material forms Transmigration," which was at least misleading. Among his manuscripts Toland left "an account of Giordano Bruno's Book of the Universe" (De l' Infinito), along with a translation of the introductory epistle.[659] And somewhat earlier, in 1713, a translation of the Spaccio was made into English by W. Morehead,[660] who may have been one of Toland's brethren, as the Quarterly Reviewer suggests. Toland himself was, however, believed to be the auth

nker-if not great thinker-penetrated by the beauty and calm of Spinoza's pantheism, saw in Bruno a true forerunner. Bruno had "taken up the substance of the ancient philosophy, transformed it into flesh and blood, was wholly permeated by its spirit, without ceasing to be himself." Naturally it was in the Causa that Jacobi found the greatest affinity with Spinoza, as in it the starting-point of Bruno is from the One, the Highest, which is at the same time the All-the universe, the unity of the One and Many, of Spirit and Nature. Jakobi's friend, Hamann, the "Wizard of the North," the mystical critic of Kantianism, went a step further than Jakobi himself; Bruno's principle of the coincidence of opposites, he said, was of more value to him than all the Kantian criticism. In the pantheistic or monistic side of Bruno's philosophy he found sympathy with his own revolt against the excessive intellectualism and rationalism which seemed to him to be the chief danger of the Kantian philosophy.[665] Goethe also was carried away by the flowing tide of enthusiasm, and, indeed, his own philosophical conception had much affinity with that of the Nolan, although in their inner natures the two men differed toto coelo.[666] Buhle-first in his Comment on the Rise

ork to parallel Bruno with any of the more modern philosophers. It is foolhardy to say, for example, as Brunnhofer does, that Schopenhauer alone reaches the same height of literary style in modern philosophy, "although the Nolan leaves the Frankfort philosopher far behind him through the strength of his philosophical conception of the universe, which holds its own against pessimism and optimism alike."[672] It is foolhardy, and it is misleading, to place him in comparison with philosophers who have nearly three centuries of thought, of social, industrial, and literary growth, between him and them. Like all the philosophers whom a touch of poetical imagination has redeemed, Bruno stands more or less alone, and he overtops all the others of his century. None of the ordinary rubrics of historical terminology in philosophy apply to him, not even that of "Eclectic." He is far more than that. His philosophy, as perhaps these pages have shown, bears the stamp of individuality, the individuality of a strong mind, fed with nearly all the knowledge, and all the out-reaching guesses at truth of its own time, and of the times that had gone before, striving to turn this difficult mass into nourishment for itself, and to transmit the achievement to others. He w

IONAL

phew to Cecco the cobbler, figol di Momo, postiglion de le puttane, brother to Lazarus that makes shoes for asses!" It is almost incredible that any one should have taken these words as biographical or rather auto-biographical. They are in the mouth of a pedant and enemy: they are addressed not to the Bruno-character of the dialogue ("Philotheo"), but to Fr

erally it is understood that Arius meant to say that the Word was the first creation of the Father, and I declared that Arius said the Word was neither Creator nor Creation, but intermediary between the Creator and the Creat

to accompany him, nor would she let either go with Drake to the West Indies in 1585, and Greville was kept at home from Leicester's Expedition to the Low Countries, in which poor Sidney met with a heroic death (Oct. 17, 1586). In a letter of 1586, Greville describes Sidney as "that prince of gentlemen": writing

ll 1587. On the other hand some of Bruno's works were printed in 1585, so that the theory of Vautrollier's flight to Scotland owing to his being the printer of Bruno's works, falls through. The business in London was carried on during his absence by his wife, and the "troubles" out of w

consisted in the introduction of four "runners," two on either limb of the compasses, and secured by screws; but there seems to have been no gradation of the compasses, and it is difficult to perceive any great value in the novelty, without that essential addition. The first of the two dialogues suggests a possible origin for some of Bruno's ideas on atomic geometry, as we find, attributed to Mordentius, two ideas that were applied to some purpose in Bruno's own

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52, 180, 183, 185, 186, 191, 192, 196, 203–08,

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Lat. ii.

tino, in the Giornale de la Dome

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o, v. Op. Lat.

enso, iii.

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ian Docume

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e additi

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393 (a line is omitte

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g philosophy in one of the monasteries in Ven

g. (Op. Lat.

a, Lag.

Doc

ve (1579), par Théophil Du

e Register o

of Consistor

ss, i. pp. 62,

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's Giordano Bru

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tholmèss

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ers, ii. p. 570

. cit.,

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4); afterwards Archbishop of York: "One of a proper person (such people, ceteris paribus and sometimes ceteri

, 1573–99; Dean of

ig. Sigilli,

ide ad

vo, in casa del qual non faceva altro

eface,

ag. 26

L.

. 226.

ominated in Nov. 1584, although he

ide ad

r. Whittaker in Essays and Notices, 189

ngen-Hamlet, 1868; W. K?nig, Shakespeare-Jahrbuch, xi.; Frith's Giordano Bruno; on the other s

ide ad

Lag.

infra, par

n the

of "Signum" in Bruno's view; "Seal" t

ia" on the

ranslated in A collection of several pieces

r to Sidney, in Sp. dalla Best. Triom., or the Expulsion of

tained permission to enter, conversed with Jupiter, received some favours, and returned. Franco was impaled in 1565 by Pope Pius V., hence perhaps the absence of his name in Bruno. Perhaps the idea of the Spaccio was also determined by a prophecy of the Bohemian Cipriano Leowicz ("On the more signal great conjunctions of the planets," 1564), that about

Lag

Ib.

is on the

Lat. ii

" an Ethical Poem, by L. Williams, London, 1887. (The Ar

Ninfe del Padre Tamesi," 749. 40, "Leggiadre Nimphe, ch' a le'

ag. 14

406. 17

Lag

521.

, 522. 23, 5

ury Papers,

Doc

7. Berti, p

ndseck'

at. vol. iii. I

nd "J. B. N. Camoeracensis Acrotismus, etc." Wittenberg, 1588. "Camoeracensis" qualifi

. Lat.

i.

Ib. 6

gi Duo de Fabricii Mordentis Salernitani prope divina adinventi

Doc

as Professor of Theology at Mar

nce been united with that of Halle,

inatoria Raimundi Lulli, "the omniscient an

soned, and put to de

o, Lag. 516. 11,

um Scrutinio, v

shed 1589,

k. iv.

rith's Bru

runnhofer a

Register: Fra

Op. Lat. vol. iii

Frankfort Books from 1564–1

6 (Ciotto's

(Bruno's ow

, Kl. Schrift

Lat., vol i.,

German scholars (Doc. 7). On Besler, and Bruno's connectio

hl, Giord

15, Morosin

Cf. 16 (Ciotto re-exa

] Do

Paris during Bruno's

es represented by his audito

rthodox, rig

octrine, quoting the ?neid, vi. 724 ff.

de (Op. Lat.

] Do

. Venetian St

25. State

Docs.

an Docume

nd statements put into the mouths of witnesses which are in substance false, as Fiorentino h

stated that there are

duction to Bruno's O

nferenza

ative to Bruno, v. Bartholmèss (with

oland, Misc. Works, vol. i. Schopp refers to Bruno's death in a work published in 1611 (i.e. severa

rti, p.

ivio di San Giovanni Decollato, Torino,

Meta

Her. Fur.

Lag. 5

p. 10 ff., and Magia Mat

Lag. 1

a, Lag. 1

venal, i

Lag. 1

Lag. 3

20. Cf. also 7

Lag. 7

., cf. 242. 35, and D

imo, Op. Lat

strated" that the number of planets could not exceed s

. Math. Epist.

. Sig. (i

during Bruno's impriso

t. vol. i. pt. 4

f. p. 6

Latine di G. B., p. 136) rightly points out, some such knowledge of Aristotelian terms as that in Part i. would form a necessary preliminary

. Lat. i

Opere Inedite di G

p. cit.

v für Gesch. d. Phil. iii. 1890) and Tocco (Op. Ined., p. 99) they belong to the f

me" (de tempore) there is a

reek, Philosophy, and Rhetoric,-not the whole Trivium and Quad

2. 61; ii. 3; i. 4. 39,

21; i. 1. 22

dium of Aristo

Lat. i.

so, iii. 3), Op

Lag.

. Lat. i

Lag.

ogether enslaved his natural Philosophy to his Logic, and so re

Lag.

] Ib

ov. Org

' Infinito)

Lag.

Cf. Op. Lat.

6, 3. 26, 3. 271; i. 1. 29

Lag.

2. 196, and (Her.

237. 9. Cf. Her.

5, 273. 25. Cf. O

i. 1

i. 2

i. 3

ausa, L

. Lat. i

lichus, this work issued certainly from his s

Op. Lat.

3]

] Op

. Lat. i

Lag.

creative

that Bruno read Hebrew, although he makes use of Hebrew letters among his symbols. But there were many writings on the Cabala from which he could have derived his idea of their teaching-e.g. Agrippa's Occulta Philosophia, to which he was indebted for much of the De Monade. The Cabala (i.e. "traditional teaching") is a collection of dogmas made about the ninth and thirteenth centuries; it was certainly influenced by Neoplatonism, and contained the

ausa, L

. Lat. i

Ib. ii

ds, ii. 4. 4; cf. Bru

g. 271; cf. Plo

i. 2

ive et Arabe, Paris, 1589; and Dictionnaire

–1037 A.D.; cf. Op.

d by Bruno Hispanus, but really

, Ibn Gebir

azzali, 105

Op. Lat.

ziehungen zu Avencebrol in the Archiv

253; cf. 246, and

ausa, L

Wittman,

ena, La

h a given belief does not authorise its truth, for "those who from boyhood and youth are accustomed to eat poison, come to such a state that it is tran

as published in 1472, and one of his criticisms of Al

g. 271, and Op.

i. 1

Averroes cf. Op. Lat. i. 1

r. Fur.

A.D. There are frequent references to the spurious writing

. ii. 2. 190, for a reputed m

ridicule in La

ausa, L

nti piu recenti

itten also on theology and on medicine, and Bruno, in his (posthumous

Combinatoria, Op.

nd Carolus Bovillus (c. 1470–1553).

. Lat. i

ii.

at. ii. 2.

omp. Arch.

880, Uebinger, Philosophie des N. C., 1880, and Gotteslehre des N. C., 1888, F. J. Clemens,

finito,

anus' De doct

accio, L

norantia, i. 7. A

ct. igno

De P

lchoran

s, De Ludo g

De Idiota, iii.

s, De Conjec

De Visio

e Venatione

occulta p

anitate Sc

onti piu recen

Bombastes von Hoh

Lag.

the title of hermit than in that of doctor or master, became a leader and author among physicians, second to none"-a reference to the title of Eremi

1501–1

s of the De natura rerum

. Lat. i

ena, La

ong extracts from Copernicus in

e la Ca

Lag.

Lag.

usa, principio

Lag.

. Bruno's aim is to contrast the inwardly active, immanent principle of life and of movement with the transient, outwardly active cause, and to interpre

d-mover (Verg. Aeneid, vi. 726); the "World's Eye" of the Orphic Poems; the "dis

Lag. 2

ag. 232

ection, vide

27. Cf. Arist.

t. De Anima, i

Lag. 2

Cf. Lu

Lag. 2

said to be one in all things, and differences a

de infra

Lag. 2

Lag. 2

ion: vide bk. iv. (Op. Lat. i. 3. 274). Individual differences are referred to two possible sources-the different compositions of the

Lag. 2

nflict between this and the precedi

Lag. 2

udo-Timae

Lag. 2

Lag. 2

Lag. 2

Lag.

Lag.

i. Cf. Plotinus,

Lag.

ers here to Averroes, and esp

y in Spinoza's definition

Lag. 2

Lag.

Lag. 2

ag. pp.

Lag. 2

Lag. 2

Lag. 2

Lat. i.

: de l' Infinito

Lat. i.

Lat. i.

mmenso, bk

Lat. i.

] P.

] P.

, cf. Acrot. Art. 31, 33–37 (Vacuum,

] P.

] P.

o, Lag. 322. 1 ff

2.; cf. Infinito,

i. 1. 264; cf.

ii. ch. 4

Bk. ii

278); cf. Infin

de infra

Lat. i.

Ib.

; cf. Op. Lat. i. 4. 216, an

Lat. i.

] P.

ii. ch.

k. ii.

P. 3

ii. ch.

k. ii.

also infra

: his principle is the inverse of that of Leibniz-"whatever has not a sufficient reason for existing is necessarily non-existen

. i. ch. 11. p.

. bk. i. ch.

hol. ch. 11.

P. 2

nfinito, La

lds could not interfere with one

space should either add to or detract from the perfection

Bk. i.

] P.

t. vol. i. p

, ch. x.

Op. Lat. i

n Time cf. Acro

Lat. i.

Lat. i.

P. 3

] P.

5. On Perfection, and the Perfection of the

Cf. Sp

to practices o

Lat. i.

so, iii. ch. 1

] P.

k. iii.

h. 4. p

xplained the pha

vi. ch.

h. 18.

arrested at any one point in Nature, it would

ch. 1. (Op. La

8]

9]

] P.

fter Em

Imm. bk.

Lat. i.

] P.

Lat. i.

epetition,-that "had he been consulted at the creation of

. Lat. i

362, cf

. 369 (

e magis quavis

eent, immensumq

nimae vis conc

] P.

Imm. bk.

h. 8 (p

cf. bk. iv. ch. 13

Imm. bk.

Lat. i.

572, 1577, 1585. (B

De Imm. bk.

Ib.

. bk. v. ch.

Lat. i.

na, Lag.

; Infinito, 370. 29, 375. 6, 390.

Imm. bk.

na, Lag.

ala, p. 5

termined by the soul, and the need of mutual

igh mountain, gradually broken up, through continuous geological changes, into the lesser forms we now call mount

Imm. bk.

s also. Cf. ib. 332. 15, and De Imm., bks. iv. and vi.; Acrot. Arts. 48 and 74. In Inf. 353. 30, rocks, lakes, rivers, springs, etc., are compared to

otismus:

Lag. p

Lag. 1

, § 70. Cf. also

Lag.

334. 24, 359. 13, 393. 5

. 367. 12

Lag. 4

cco, Opere Latine

Preface to Op. Lat.

. Cam. Art.

rot. Cam

Min. p. 211 (b

Min. bk.

. Schol.

] Ch

Lat. i.

hought recur

at. i. 3. p

Lat. i.

P. 1

P. 1

bk. ii. ch.

P. 1

] Ch

Lat. i. 3.

P. 2

. 28, 201. 4

Min. bk.

P. 2

. p. 207. 5 (cf. p.

P. 2

] P.

Min. bk.

. Phys. Z.

Min. p. 1

] P.

P. 173. 9; c

] P.

] P.

] P.

e Min.

h. 11.

] Ch

Ch. 2.

. i. ch. 14.

, ch. 8.

i. ch. 1

re it is said the eighth triangl

Lat. i. 3.

Pp. 21

i. 3. p. 243 (b

ch. 4.), cf. p. 323 (bk

306 (bk.

P. 2

es there are slightly different, and na

Lag. 4

ag. p.

P. 4

Lag. 4

ces were to be expelled from the heavens

Lag. p

cf. 447. "Questa fetida Sp

P. 4

P. 4

for other references to the Church and its beliefs. Bruno could not have written the last pa

abala,

564. 25, O' Sant' Asinita, and Cena

in the body of the work, and both differ to some extent from the list

rom Lag

gium on Julius in the Oratio Consolatoria (Op. Lat. i. 1. 47

ices, after Lully; with each virtue are given the two vicio

thmetica, Geometria, Musica, Logica, Poesia

g. p. 46

Pp. 46

trast with S

conversation f

g. pp. 4

g. pp. 4

] P.

Pp. 52

p. cit.

varice in Spaccio, pp. 477, 47

bala, p.

P. 5

tto," which may not mean more than outgrowth or offshoo

P. 5

nslation (op. cit. p. 172) gives this s

in genere (Op. Lat

ag. p.

, so that the layman in literature has great difficulty in knowing which, if any, are his own. Thus Rixner and Sibe

Infinito,

. vii. 16 (Op. L

ag. p.

P. 5

a, ch. vii., re

ag. p.

g. p. 58

Ib. p.

ell as some ethical works, of which that "On Mourning" seems to have been most in vogue. The goods of the sou

ag. p.

492 (Cass

] P.

e Lag. pp

ch. 2. and cf. Cab

cence of Aristo

Lag. 4

Lag. 4

s use of this word, of meanings deri

ag. 717

Lag. 6

] 63

Lag.

649,

626,

. Sig. § 48, for the first kind

Lag. 6

the Sonnet

tant' alto il

porte di d

ntra il mio num

si nutre, ha

t' ha 'l ciel,

Lag. 6

Lag.

Lag. 6

646.

Lag. 6

cf. the Sonnet (Tan

at' ho' l' al

t' il pie l' a

ci penne al

ondo, et vers' i

? *

le nubi, et

illustre mor

e i' veltri slaccia Il gr

Lag. 6

] 65

Lag. 6

] 65

731.

y infinite, although it has a lim

tively infinite; its lim

Lag.

Lag. 6

701.

rrespond to δ?ναμι? and ?ν?ργεια

] 64

ag. 744

. 24; cf.

] 70

] 71

663. 36;

P. 680

enere (vol. iii. p. 657). Diogenes the Cynic and Epicurus are placed side by side as having held that they had attained the highest good in this life possible to man, when they could keep the mind free from pain, fear, anger, or other melanch

700. 35;

he divine beauty excludes the possibility of our

Lat., ii

Lag. 7

Lag. 6

4; cf. also 723

Lag. 7

. Lat. i

tter to Rudolph II., prefi

ag. 452

ucretius, i

Lag. 4

5. Cf. De Immenso

Lag. 4

f Momus in the Spaccio

ig. Op. Lat.

l. Op. Lat. i. 1.

46: "Omnis enim per se div

Lag. 4

ticus, esp. ch. 14 and 15, and preface, § 24: "Scripturam rationem a

eaching determinism to the many, in Inf.,

o's, Weltanschauung

na, Lag.

erti, Docs.

. art. Lull., Op

riginta Sigilli); cf. i. 1. 82 (Acroti

usa, Lag

Lag. 6

n the Infinito referred

p. Lat.

Sigwart. Cf.

at. i. 4. 100, 101

cit. p. 99,

toritas; cf. Cau

. Inf. La

cco, Confere

Lag. 5

ccio, Lag

Spacci

enso, Op. La

le islands, nor was there one first wolf, or lion, or bull, from which all wolves, lions, and cattle are descen

; Cantus Circaeus (Op. Lat. ii. 1); De Minimo (i.

lato's Phae

abala,

Lag. 2

ial. 4; esp. L

f. Spaccio, 533. 16, 539.

ag. 164

7 ff., 303. 17, 317. 7, 409. 1

Umbris (i

Inf. 3

Lag.

who refers to Cardan and Campanella as o

m., Op. Lat

transformations are not fortuitous, but depend on the character of t

e of his latest works, the Lampas (vol. iii. 5

ether or heavens; for the stars I call gods in a secondary sense; the seat of God is the universe, everywhere, the whole immeasurable

at. iii. 48; cf. He

. Fur. La

Op. Lat. iii

Ib.

. Lat. i

at. i. 2. 5

i. 2

i. 1

menso, bk.

Lat. i.

"Intellect" is here used in a general sense,

4. 117. It does not imp

v. Math. Op.

i. 2

i. 4

i. 4

eoplatonism, cf. De Imm. v. 1. 1 (Op. Lat. i. 2. 1

. Lat. i

] Ib

] Ib

] Ib

rised: cf. iii. 509 (De rerum princip.): "Mens eminentius tota

ii. 42 (Lampas),

. 146, 147

, Op. Lat.

as, Op. La

uthority Dicson shelters, is, ac

and Speddi

ata (xxvi. 39), while that for Olympus is either Solinus, or more probably Bruno, in the Cena de le Cenere (Lag. 167. 13). Bruno, on his part, refe

. Org. i.

Ib.

the habit of "some of the moderns," who have attempted to base natural philosophy upon the fi

. i. 479, and

note E. and S. refer to Esdras, c. 14, v. 10: "the world has lost its youth, and the times be

ov. Org

Ib.

Org. i. 63;

Ib.

tion; E. and S. illustrate it from Thomas Aquinas'

Ib.

conjugate with masses of its own kind, as the dense to the sphere of the earth, the rare to the sphere of the sky." These are described as really "

ov. Org

nd for his Atomism, the Historia Densi et Rari (E. and S

ov. Org

Augm. v

Ib. v.

i, Vita di

Philosophische Mission (Vierteljahrschr

nt Brunnhofer: "Galileo, der Bruno Zugleich

en, vol. i., on Kepler: he refers

hristiano-physicum, necnon astrologo-catholicum, adversus veteres philosophos, Atheos, Epicureos, Peripateticos et Stoicos. Auctore Julio C?sare

hilosophiae Car

p. Lat.

stes, athées et libertins de ce

lilei, was careful not to prejudice himself in the eyes of

es paradoxicae adv

have been impossible, historically, if Bruno had had time to develop the rich fulness of his ideas in a systematic form

nd dessen Glückseligkeit, Gotha, 1866, and his translation of t

hasen des Spinozischen Pa

Weltanschauung der Re

a, p. 15; Sigwart, Neuentd

o's Acrot. (Op.

and Bruno's Causa, Dial. v. Sigw

2, chs. 37 and 43, and Spinoza's Cog. Met. (pt. i. ch. 6, § 9), where the "effort" is "the thing it

Neuent. Tract

Ib.

rière. Op. ci

xxxi., lxxi. Cf. Steffens, Clemens, Dühring, Brunnhofer, op. cit., and also in G.B.'s Lehre

ngsgeschichte der Leibnizschen P

92; cf. also a letter

v. 385 (June 17

nas Monadum used by Bruno of God

Shilleto's edition). In the "Digression on Air," the Cena is referred to (ii. p. 46),-the changes of sea and land, the fixed stars as suns with planets about them, the air of the heavens as identical with t

olmèss, i.

Giordano Bruno in England," and the biograph

artholmèss,

und Siber, op. c

–1722); v. Leslie Stephen's Engl

Mr. John Toland, with some memoirs of his

he Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast." To the chequered history of this title and its various interpretations

iscellaneous Works, L

f.), parts iii. ix. xi. xv., cf.

r Phil. Hist. (1736), and

is Werke, t

rrière, op.

of Bruno upon Goethe-v. G?the-Jahrbuch (1886), G?th

n Philosophie, 6 vols., G?t

ophy, 11 vols. (1798–18

?ge, vii. 4

s., Paris,

bove works were preceded by a translation into Italian (by Florence Waddington) of Schelling's

aphy of the more recent works on Bruno

riber'

Inconsistencies in hyphenation, ligatures, and accented forms, such as 'sun-flower/sunflower', 'formul?/formulae',

regarding the content of the first se

passages have

ore Venetian tribunal' → ' b

te): 'Circu?s

Arctic'; 'terresti

vissère' →

intance' → '

'bann'

anastic'→

ilosphy'→ '

llmighty'→

intuites'

docrine'→

arriére'→

hristian': 2, 16, 20,