Letters Concerning Poetical Translations / And Virgil's and Milton's Arts of Verse, &c.

nia, to the Inhabitants of the Brit

ained in a well-connected chain of close and manly reasoning; and though from this character, it is evident that detached passages must appear to a disadvantage, yet it is but just to give our Readers some

spirit of violence being, in some measure, if the expression may be allowed, sheathed in commerce, colonies have been settled by the nations of Europe for the purposes of trade. These purposes were to be attained, by the colonies raising for t

and freedom are nearly related to each other. By a due regard to this wise and just plan, the infant colonie

own use; and all those raw materials which she chose herself to work up. Besides this restriction, she forbade them to procure manufactures from any other part of the globe, or even the products of European countries, which alone could rival her, without being first brought to her. In short, by a variety of laws, she regulated their trade in such

the recompense made them? A communication of her rights in general, and particularly of that great one, the foundation of all the rest-that their property, acquired with so much pain and hazard, should be d

r colonies, that sufficiently secures their dependence upon her? Or that for her to levy taxes upon them is to r

ttlement, will prove the contrary. He will there find the amazing advantages arising to her from them-the constant exercise of her supremacy-and their filial submission to it, without a single r

ir labours into their mother's lap. Good heaven! and shall a total oblivion of former tendernesses and blessings, be spread over the minds of a good and wise nation by the sordid arts of intriguing men, who, covering their s

ave protected the liberty of strangers, is inflamed into an attempt to tear a privilege from her own children, which if executed, must, in their opinion, sink t

ed between these colonies and their parent country, for such a length of time, they will execrate, with the bitterest curses, the infamous memory of those men, whose pestilential ambition unne

f admitting innovations from their established forms of political administration, our Author does not confine his views to the im

d. Thus, the king by his judges in his courts of justice, impose fines, which altogether amount to a very considerable sum, and contribute to the support of government; but this is merely a consequence arising from restrictions, that only meant to keep peace, and prevent confusion; and surely a man would argue very loosely, who should conclude from hence, that the king has a right to levy money in general upon his subjects. Never did the British parliament, till the period above mentioned, think of imposing duties in America, for the purpose of raising a revenue. Mr. Grenville first introduced this

st and necessary, that provision be made for raising a further revenue within your majesty's dominions in America, towards defraying the

making a more certain and adequate provision for defraying the charge of the administration of justice, and the support of civil government in such provinces, where it shall be found necessary; and towards the

trade; not for the preservation or promotion of a mutually beneficial intercourse between the several constituent parts of

n anothe

more than one hundred and fifty years, no statute was ever passed for the sole purpose of raising a revenue from the colonies? And how clear, h

nisters; yet none of them ever ventured to touch the Palladium of American liberty. Ambition, avarice, faction, tyranny, all revered it. Whenever it was necessary to raise money on the colonies, the requisitions of th

unusual way is no part of the object in ques

ss of the duties, is to walk deliberately into the snare that is set for us, praising the neatness of the workmanship. Suppose the duties imposed by the late act could be paid by these distressed colonies with the utmost ease, and that the purposes to which they are to be applied, were the most reasonable and equitable that can be conceived, the contrary of which I hope to demon

t "exceeds seventeen or eighteen times the value of the commodity." In short, if they have a right to levy a tax of one penny upon us, they have a right to levy a million upon us; for where does their right stop? At any given number of pence, shillings or pounds? To attempt to limit their right, after granting it to exist at all, is as contrary to reason-as gra

finition of "taxes." They are therefore taxes. This money is to be taken from us. We are therefore taxed. Those who are taxed without their own consent, expres

rth

eserve an uniformity of conduct for attaining them: they regularly increase and multiply the first injuries, till at length the inattentive people are compelled to perceive the heaviness of their burthen. They begin to complain and inquire-but too late. They find their oppressions so strengthened by success, and themselves so entangled in examples of express authority on the part of their rulers, and of tacit recognition on their own part, that they are quite confounded: for millions entertain no other idea of the legality of power, tha

of the colonies on this occasion

is pleasing at home, and not opposed here? Must not this be done by imposing new taxes? Will not every addition thus made to our taxes, be an addition to the power of the British legislature, by increasing the number of officers employed in the collection? Will not every additional tax therefore render it more difficult to abrogate any of them? When a branch of reven

nuously exhorts his countrymen to oppose, by all the suitable means in their power, every incroachment on those constitutions under the sanction of which they settled o

ence, that gave me existence in a land of freedom, permits my head to think, my lips to speak, and my hands to move, I shall so highly and gratefully value the blessing received, as to

, to have a tendency very fatal to the liberty of America, which he illustrates by examining into the appl

ament, do thus take it away-that duties laid for the sole purposes of raising money, are taxes-that attempts to lay such duties should be instantly and firmly opposed-that this opposition can never be effectual, unless it is the united effort of those provinces-that therefore benevolence of temp

piness. I beseech you, therefore, "teach them diligently unto your children, and talk of them when

as long as the products of our labour, and the rewards of our care, can properly be called our own, so long will it be worth our while to be industrious and frugal. But if we plow-sow-reap-gather and thresh-we find, that we plow-sow-reap-gather and thresh for others, whose pleasure is to be the SOLE limitation how much they shall take and how much they shall leave, WHY should we repeat the unprofitable toil? Horses and oxen are content with that portion of the fruits of their work, which their owners assign to them, in order to keep them strong enough to raise successive crops; but even these beasts will not submit to draw for their masters, until they are subdued with whips and goads. Let us take care of our rights, and we therein take care of our property. "Slavery is ever preceded by sleep." Individuals may be dependent on ministers if they please. States should scorn it; and if you are not wanting to yourselves, you

er's loyalty, and the integrity of h

the dependence of these colonies on that kingdom, I beg that such person will not form any judgment on particular expressions, but will consider the tenour of all the letters taken toget

view the smallest seeds of discontent, which are unwarily scattered abroad. Fifty or sixty years will make astonishing alterations in these colonies; and this consideration should render it the business of Great Britain more and more to cultivate our good dispositions toward her

ersal association of these colonies, at the time of the stamp-act, not to import any of her MANUFACTURES. In the year 1718, the Russians and Swedes entered into an agreement, not to suffer Great Britain to export any naval stores from their dominions, but in Russian or Swedish ships, and at their own prices. Great Britain was distressed. Pitch and tar rose to three pounds a barrel. At length she thought of getting these articles from the colonies; and the attempt succeeding, they fell down to fifteen shillings. In the year 1756, Great Britain was threatened with an invasion: An easterly wind blowing for six weeks, she could not MAN her flee

e author of it, than from ourselves; this, if any excuse is needful for enabling our Readers, in some measure, to judge for themselves, is pleaded as an apology for our copious extracts from these excellent letters. To con

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in the busy scenes of life: But am now convinced, that a man may be as happy without bustle, as with it. My farm is small, my servants are few, and good; I have a little money at

ntlemen of abilities and learning, who honour me with their friendship, I believe I have acquired a greater share of knowledge in history, and the laws and constit

and such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. Those can be found in liberty alone, and therefore her sacred cause ought to be espoused by every man, on every occasion, to the utmost of his power: as a charitable but poor person does not withhold his mite,

waited some time, in expectation of seeing the subject treated by persons much better qualified for the task; but being therein disappointed, and apprehensive that longer delays will be injurious, I ven

an act of parliament, as injurious in its principle to the liberties of these colon

pepper, and vinegar. In my opinion they acted imprudently, considering all circumstances, in not complying so far, as would have given satisfaction, as several colonies did: but my dislike of their

and to compel obedience to that order also; in short, to lay any burdens they please upon us. What is this but taxing us at a certain sum, and leaving to us only the manner of raising it? How is this mode more tolerable than the Stamp Act? Would that act h

it, and for this reason, I believe, every colony on the continent, that chose to give a mark of their respect for Great-Britain, in complying wi

suspend their legislation, which is a punishment. In fact, if the people of New-York cannot be legally taxed but by their own representatives, they cannot be legally deprived of the privileges of making laws, only for insisting on that exclusive privilege of taxation. If they may be legally deprived in such a case of the privilege of making laws, why may th

authority. It seems therefore to me as much a violation of the liberty of the people of that province, and consequently of all these colonies, as if the parliament had sent a number of regiments to be quartered upon them till they should comply. For it is evident, that the suspension is meant as a compulsion; and the method of compelling is totally indifferent. It is indeed probable, that the sight of red coats, and the beating of drums would have been most alarming, because people are generally more influenced by their eyes and ears than by their reason: But whoever seriously considers the matter, must perceive, that a dreadful stroke is aimed at the liberty of these colonies: For the cause of one is the cause of all. If the parliament may lawfully deprive New-York of any of its rights, it may deprive any, or all the other colonies of their rig

that any thing should be done which might justly displease our sovereign or our mother-country. But a firm, modest exertion of a free spirit, should never be wanting on public occasions. It appears to me, that it would have been sufficient for the assembly, to have ordered our ag

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he liberty of these colonies, as that inserted in my last letter; that is, the act f

ssary for the common good of all. He, who considers these provinces as states distinct from the British Empire, has very slender notions of justice or of their interests. We are but parts of a whole; and therefore ther

king by his judges in his courts of justice, imposes fines, which all together amount to a considerable sum, and contribute to the support of government: but this is merely a consequence arising from restrictions, which only meant to keep peace, and prevent confusion; and surely a man would argue very loosely, who should conclude from hence, that the King has a right to levy money in general upon his subjects; Never did the British parliament, till the period abovementioned, think of imposing duties in America FOR THE PURPOSE OF RAISING A REVENUE. Mr. Greenville's sagacity first introduced th

ust and necessary, that provision be made for raising a further revenue within your majesty's dominions in America, towards defraying

aking a more certain and adequate provision for the defraying the charge of the administration of justice, and the support of civil government in such provinces, where it shall be found necessary; and towards

not for the preservation or promotion of a mutually beneficial intercourse between the several constituent parts of th

objected, that Great-Britain has a right to lay what duties she pleases upon her[1

heir use, which the laws of Great-Britain prohibit them fr

nted; but we being obliged by her laws to take them from Great Britain, any special duties imposed on their exportation

the rates mentioned in the Stamp-act, on the use of the paper, or by these duties, on the

were made payable

ught to the British Colonies, would the act have raised less money upon us, or have been less destructive of our rights? By no means: For as we were under a necessity of using the paper, we s

man in the colonies should buy a certain quantity of paper-No: It only directed, t

and therefore to pay the taxes imposed. For this reason the Stamp-act was said to be a law THAT WOULD EXECUTE ITSELF. For the very same reason, the last

d, because we may ourselves manufacture the articles on which they are laid: whereas by the Sta

universally detested by them as slavery itself? Because it presented to these devoted provinces nothing but a choice of calamities, imbittered by indignities, each of which it was unworthy of freemen to bear. But is no injury a violation of right but the greatest injury? If the eluding the payment of the duties imposed by

t, not in an exemption from injury,

this continent, and but very few paper-mills; and suppose more should be erected, a long course of years must elapse, before they can be brought to perfection. This continent is a country of planters, farmers, and fishermen; not of manufacturers. The difficulty of establishing parti

acts, by the disuse of British paper and glass. Nor will this be

d precedent on that point. This authority, she will say, is founded on the original intention of settling these colonies; that is, that she should manufacture for them, and that they should supply her with materials. The equity of this policy, she wi

preme governing and legislative power, has always bound the colonies by her regulations and restrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures--in every thing, except that of taking their money out of their

s finished. We have been prohibited from procuring manufactures, in all cases, any where but from Great-Britain, (excepting linens, which we are permitted to import directly from Ireland). We have been prohibited, in some cases, from manufacturing for ourselves; We are therefore exactly in the situation of a city besieged, which is surrounded by the works of the besieg

the island of Sardinia, they made a decree, that the Sardinians should not get corn, any other way than from the Carthaginians. Then, by imposing any duties they would, they drained from the miserable Sardinians any

lone, it is implied in the nature of that obligation; and is essentially requisite to give it the least degree of justice; and is inseparably united with it, in order to p

egally impose duties to be paid by the people of these colonies only for the sole purpose of raising a revenue, on commodities which she obliges us to take fr

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you look into my heart, you would instantly perceive an ardent affection for your persons, a zealous attachment to your interests, a lively resentment of every insult and injury o

ence, that gave me existence in a land of freedom, permits my head to think, my lips to speak, and my hand to move, I shall so highly and gratefully value the blessing received, as to

determined to oppress us; it is in vain to speak of right on one side, when there is power on the other; when we are strong enough to resist, we shall attempt it; but now we are not strong enough, and therefore we had bett

"that these colonies, totally regardless of their liberties, should commit them

ve trusted for relief, to the fortuitous events of futurity? If it is needless "to speak of rights" now, it was as needless then. If the behaviour of the colonies was prudent and glorious then, and successful too; it will be equally prudent and glorious to act in the same manner now, if our rights are equally invaded, and may be as successf

ehensive of them, are much mistaken, if they think, that

of these colonies, that they are at this moment exposed to the most imminent dangers; and to persuade them immediately

be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature. Those who engage in it, should breathe a sedate, yet fe

of trumpets, and other instruments for exciting heat and rage, they marched up to scenes of havock and horror, with the sound of flutes, to the tunes of which their steps kept pace-"exhibi

he reputation of a people as to wisdom, valour and virtue, without procuring them the least benefit. I pray God, that he may be pleased to inspire you and your posterity to the latest ages with that spirit, of which I have an idea, but find a difficulty to express: to express in th

om mistake or passion.--But every such measure does not dissolve the obligation between

allow time for receiving an answer to their applications which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of opposition becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public pea

of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be al

d the offence; and the calamities attending on war out weigh those preceding it. These cons

e of Kings, and retain their antient form of government, be gainers by changing. Thus Great-Britain, under the illustrious house of Brunswick, a house that seems to flourish for the happiness of mankind, has found a felicity, unknown in the reigns of the Stuarts. But if once we are

s to "her old good humour, and old good nature," as Lord Clerendon expresses it, I hope they will always esteem

anger; and differences that might be accommodated by kind and resp

in recollecting and resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. When feuds have reached that fatal point, all considerations of reason and equity vanish; and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all th

s. Their prudence will be called baseness; their moderation, guilt; and if their virtue does not lead them to destruction, as that of many other great and excellent pers

rsued on the present occasion, that is, by petitioning of our assemblies, or, where

may, by artful men, be provoked to anger against us; but I cannot yet believe they will be cruel or unjust; or that their anger will be implacable. Let us behave like dutiful childr

advantages she has been used to receive from us. Then let us try, if our ingenuity, industry, and frugality, will not give weight to our remonstrances. Let us all be united with one spirit in one cause. Let us invent; let us work; l

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and the late act for laying a duty on paper, &c. that justifies the conduct of those who opposed the former, and yet are willing to submit to the latter. The duties imposed by the Stamp-act, were internal t

is and to all succeeding generation

nd history of England require to be annexed to it; that it is, a

taxes, subsidies, &c. These were made as may be collected even from the names for public service, "upon need and necessity,"[16] all these sums were levied upon the people by virtue of their voluntary gift.[17] The design of them was to support the national honour and interest. Some of those grants com

ages. The terms that have been mentioned, and among the rest that of "tax," had obtained a national, parliamentary meaning, d

hey have been established. This will give certainty to our expression, and safety to our conduct: but if when we have in view the liberty of these col

esolves may be said to form the American "bill of rights." I am satisfied that the congress was of opinion, that no impositions c

fth, and sixth resolv