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Phineas Redux

Chapter 5 MR. DAUBENY'S GREAT MOVE.

Word Count: 4562    |    Released on: 30/11/2017

the parliamentary leaders of the party were surprised. It had not been recognised by them as necessary that the great question of Church and

all statesmen to be of such magnitude as to dwarf every other, was not wanted as yet. It might remain in the background as the future standing-point for some great political struggle, in which it would be again necessary that every Liberal should fight, as though for life, with his teeth and nails. Men who ten years since regarded almost with abhorrence, and certainly with distrust, the idea of disruption between Church and State in England, were no doubt learning to perceive that such disruption must come, and were reconciling themselves to it after that slow, silent, inargumentative

gs, of whom Barrington Erle considered himself to be one, would have much preferred the Duke to Mr. Gresham, had it been possible to set Mr. Gresham aside. But Mr. Gresham was too strong to be set aside; and Erle and the Duke, with all their brethren, were minded to b

at man is an a

e altogether responsible

g story. He has many good gifts. He is clever, good-tempered, and one

Duchess

up, but who can't be made to understand that everybody should not want to be Prime Minister." The Duke, who was now a Nestor among politicians, though very green in his age, smiled as he heard remarks which had been familiar to him for the last forty years. He, too, liked his party, and was fond of

to the electors; and, as a matter of course, made a speech on the occasion. It so happened that the day fixed for the election in this division of the county was quite at the close of this period of political excitement. When Mr. Daubeny addressed his friends in East Barsetshire the returns throughout the kingdom were nearly complete. No attention had been paid to this fact during the elections, but it was afterwards asserted that the arrangement had been made with a political purpose, and with a purpose which was politically dishonest. Mr. Daubeny, so said the angry Liberals, had not chosen to address his constituent

brilliant in mingling a deep philosophy with the ordinary politics of the day, that the bucolic mind could only admire. It was a great honour to the electors of that agricultural county that they should be made the first recipients of these pearls, which were not wasted by being thrown before them. They were picked up by the gentlemen of the Press, and became the pearls, not of East Barsetshire, but of all England. On this occasion it was found that one pearl was very big, very rare, and worthy of great attention; but it was a black pearl, and was regarded by many as an abominable prodigy. "The period of our history is one in which it becomes essential for us to renew those inquiries which have prevailed since man first woke to his destiny, as to the amount of connection which exists and which must e

ve thought his party strong enough to defy Mr. Daubeny utterly in such an attempt. The ordinary politician, looking at Mr. Daubeny's position as leader of the Conservative party, as a statesman depending on the support of the Church, as a Minister appointed to his present place for the express object of defending all that was left of old, and dear, and venerable in the Constitution, would have declared that Mr. Daubeny was committing political suicide, as to which future history would record a verdict of probably not temporary insanity. And when the speech was a week old this

a play, and if seen by that party would have struck that party with dismay and shame. The meaning of Mr. Ratler's face was plain enough. He thought so little of that party, on the score either of inte

ven up all the old things. It's very likely that if Daubeny were to ask them to vote for pulling down the Throne and establishing a Republic they'd all fo

of them get any

ties, and the Garters, and the promotion in the army. They like their brothers to be made bishops, and their sisters like the Wardrobe and t

went against him t

stout old cavalier here and there may shut himself up in his own castle, and tell himself that the world around him may go to wrack and ruin, but that he will not help the evil work. Some are shutting themselves up. Look at old Quin, when they carried their Reform Bill. But men, as a rule, don't like to be shut up. How they reconcile it to t

they did not allow themselves to express their disgust as plainly. Mr. Gresham was staying in the country with his friend, Lord Cantrip, when the tidings reached them of Mr. Daubeny's speech to the electors of Ea

e," said the other. "It is thrown

it, he means it altogether, and will not retract it, even though the party should

as no such tower of strength now. And in the doing of this thing, if he means to do it, he must encounter the assured conviction of every man on his own side, both in the upper and lower House. When he told them that he would tap a Conservative element by reducing the suffrage they did not know whether to believe him or not. There might be something in it. It might be that they would th

nd a way

because he was brave and successful once he must necessarily be brave and successful again. A man rides at some outrageous fence, and by the wonderful activity and obedien

he means it because others have talked of it. You saw the

l for n

he rest. If Daubeny does carry the party with hi

h neither of us can perhaps say that his mind is not so made up that it may not soon be altered,-we know that the present union cannot remain. It is unfitted for that condition of humanity to which we are coming, and if so, the change must be for good. Why should not he do it as well as another? Or rat

will not o

at a certain condition of mind, and can sympathise with you, feeling that such may become the condition of your mind, I cannot say that I should act upon it as an

had his answer ready. "I can frankly say that I should follow

ways persuasive,"

ail in regard to that ill-used but still sacred vineyard! All friends of the Church had then whispered among themselves fearfully, and had, with sad looks and grievous forebodings, acknowledged that the thin edge of the wedge had been driven into the very rock of the Establishment. The enemies of the Church were known to be powerful, numerous, and of course unscrupulous. But surely this Brutus would not raise a dagger against this C?sar! And yet, if not, what was the meaning of those words? And then men and women began to tell each other,-the men and w

that party to which the Church of England was essentially dear. He had achieved his place by skill, rather than principle,-by the conviction on men's minds that he was necessary rather than that he was fit. But still, there he was; and, though he had alarmed many,-had, probably, alarmed all those who followed him by his eccentric and dangerous mode of carrying on the battle; though no Conservative regarded him as safe; yet on this question of the Church it had been believed that he was sound. What might be the special ideas of his own mind regarding ecclesiastical policy in general, it had not been thought necessary to consider. His utterances had been confusing, mysterious, and perhaps purposely unintelligible; but that was matter of little moment so

speech came the report of it in the newspapers; on the next day the leading articles, in which the world was told what it was that the Prime Minister had really said. Then, on the following day, the startled parsons, and the startled squires and farmers, and, above all, the startled peers and members of the Lower House, whose duty it was to vote as

e he saw a col

" he said to a noble colleague; "we m

d not hurry

it from every husting in the country. How shall we rule the storm so that

hing the Church!" said

ith the existing religious feelings of the population, we shall save much that otherwise must fall. If there m

t, should such be the opinion of his colleagues in general, he would at once abandon the high place which he held in their councils. But he trusted that it might be otherwise. He had felt himself bound to communicate his ideas to his constituents, and ha

House of Commons was much gentler with him, both as to words and manner. "It's a bol

think, as I do, that it is essentially necessary for the welfare of

f this," said Mr. Daubeny; "that by sacrificing something of that ascendancy which the Establishment is supposed to give us, we can bring the Church, which

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Open
1 Chapter 1 TEMPTATION.2 Chapter 2 HARRINGTON HALL.3 Chapter 3 GERARD MAULE.4 Chapter 4 TANKERVILLE.5 Chapter 5 MR. DAUBENY'S GREAT MOVE.6 Chapter 6 PHINEAS AND HIS OLD FRIENDS.7 Chapter 7 COMING HOME FROM HUNTING.8 Chapter 8 THE ADDRESS.9 Chapter 9 THE DEBATE.10 Chapter 10 THE DESERTED HUSBAND.11 Chapter 11 THE TRUANT WIFE.12 Chapter 12 K NIGSTEIN.13 Chapter 13 I HAVE GOT THE SEAT. 14 Chapter 14 TRUMPETON WOOD.15 Chapter 15 HOW WELL YOU KNEW! 16 Chapter 16 COPPERHOUSE CROSS AND BROUGHTON SPINNIES.17 Chapter 17 MADAME GOESLER'S STORY.18 Chapter 18 SPOONER OF SPOON HALL.19 Chapter 19 SOMETHING OUT OF THE WAY.20 Chapter 20 PHINEAS AGAIN IN LONDON.21 Chapter 21 MR. MAULE, SENIOR.22 Chapter 22 PURITY OF MORALS, FINN. 23 Chapter 23 MACPHERSON'S HOTEL.24 Chapter 24 MADAME GOESLER IS SENT FOR.25 Chapter 25 I WOULD DO IT NOW. 26 Chapter 26 THE DUKE'S WILL.27 Chapter 27 AN EDITOR'S WRATH.28 Chapter 28 THE FIRST THUNDERBOLT.29 Chapter 29 THE SPOONER CORRESPONDENCE.30 Chapter 30 REGRETS.31 Chapter 31 THE DUKE AND DUCHESS IN TOWN.32 Chapter 32 THE WORLD BECOMES COLD.33 Chapter 33 THE TWO GLADIATORS.34 Chapter 34 THE UNIVERSE.35 Chapter 35 POLITICAL VENOM.36 Chapter 36 SEVENTY-TWO.37 Chapter 37 THE CONSPIRACY.38 Chapter 38 ONCE AGAIN IN PORTMAN SQUARE.39 Chapter 39 CAGLIOSTRO.40 Chapter 40 THE PRIME MINISTER IS HARD PRESSED.41 Chapter 41 I HOPE I'M NOT DISTRUSTED. 42 Chapter 42 BOULOGNE.43 Chapter 43 THE SECOND THUNDERBOLT.44 Chapter 44 THE BROWBOROUGH TRIAL.45 Chapter 45 SOME PASSAGES IN THE LIFE OF MR. EMILIUS.46 Chapter 46 THE QUARREL.47 Chapter 47 WHAT CAME OF THE QUARREL.48 Chapter 48 MR. MAULE'S ATTEMPT.49 Chapter 49 SHOWING WHAT MRS. BUNCE SAID TO THE POLICEMAN.50 Chapter 50 WHAT THE LORDS AND COMMONS SAID51 Chapter 51 YOU THINK IT SHAMEFUL. 52 Chapter 52 MR. KENNEDY'S WILL.53 Chapter 53 NONE BUT THE BRAVE DESERVE THE FAIR.54 Chapter 54 THE DUCHESS TAKES COUNSEL.55 Chapter 55 PHINEAS IN PRISON.56 Chapter 56 THE MEAGER FAMILY.57 Chapter 57 THE BEGINNING OF THE SEARCH58 Chapter 58 THE TWO DUKES.59 Chapter 59 MRS. BONTEEN.60 Chapter 60 TWO DAYS BEFORE THE TRIAL.61 Chapter 61 THE BEGINNING OF THE TRIAL.62 Chapter 62 LORD FAWN'S EVIDENCE.63 Chapter 63 MR. CHAFFANBRASS FOR THE DEFENCE.64 Chapter 64 CONFUSION IN THE COURT.65 Chapter 65 I HATE HER! 66 Chapter 66 THE FOREIGN BLUDGEON.67 Chapter 67 THE VERDICT.68 Chapter 68 PHINEAS AFTER THE TRIAL.69 Chapter 69 THE DUKE'S FIRST COUSIN.70 Chapter 70 I WILL NOT GO TO LOUGHLINTER. 71 Chapter 71 PHINEAS FINN IS RE-ELECTED.72 Chapter 72 THE END OF THE STORY OF73 Chapter 73 PHINEAS FINN RETURNS TO HIS DUTIES.74 Chapter 74 AT MATCHING.75 Chapter 75 THE TRUMPETON FEUD IS SETTLED.76 Chapter 76 MADAME GOESLER'S LEGACY.77 Chapter 77 PHINEAS FINN'S SUCCESS.78 Chapter 78 THE LAST VISIT TO SAULSBY.79 Chapter 79 AT LAST-AT LAST.80 Chapter 80 CONCLUSION.