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The Sovereignty of the Sea

CHAPTER VII. CHARLES I.-continued. THE NAVY

Word Count: 13940    |    Released on: 17/11/2017

and capable fleet. During the peaceful reign of James the navy had greatly deteriorated from what it had been under Queen Elizabeth.444 The expedition to Cad

including the ten small vessels called the "Lion's Whelps"; and when the Civil War broke

ichelieu, was rapidly becoming a formidable naval power. Within the space of about five years before 1631, as Charles knew, the Cardinal had created a fleet of thirty-nine ships, of which eighteen were of 500 tons or over, and no less than twenty-seven had been built in French ports.4

n put the losses of the town at twenty-five ships, worth £9000, and complained that they were unable to carry on the Iceland fishery. The Cinque Ports also complained that the Dunkirkers had taken their goods, imprisoned their mariners, and rifled and sunk their ships on the English shore; and they asked for a guard to enable them to go to the fishing in the north and at Scarborough and Yarmouth. The alarm was general all along the coast. In February 1629 the bailiffs of Yarmouth reported that the sea was overrun with Dunkirkers, who had even rifled and fired one of their ships close under the cliffs at Mundesley, notwithstanding the efforts of the sheriff and posse of the county; they said 250 fishing vessels were ready to go to the northern fishing and awaited convoy. In the next year they and other towns of Norfolk and Suffolk stated their intention of sending out two fishing fleets of "ships, barks, and crayers,"-one of 160 sa

to be paid out of the "loans" in Suffolk. The estimate in the following year for a guard of four merchant ships, of 400 tons each, with 120 men for one month in harbour and 240 men for six months at sea, was £4399; and the Council in authorising the Admiralty to "press, victual, arm, and man" the ships, instructed that if Yarmouth and the other towns wanted convoy in future they should first consult together as to some mode of levying monies for it, either upon the coast towns or upon the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk. This was done, in part at least, by levying a contribution of twenty shill

ish waters; and in like manner the privateer did not scruple to pursue his prey into English ports and anchorages. Sometimes, indeed, the warfare was continued on English soil and the lives of the king's lieges endangered. In 1634, for example, a Dunkirker chased a Hollander vessel into Yarmouth harbour and robbed her, and a lively fusillade went on between the Dutchmen, who had taken refuge on the pier, and the crew of the privateer, and one of the former was killed. As the Dunkirkers refused to stop their "furious assault," the bailiffs ordered two of the town's

s, flying into the town, hit several of the citizens, and some strangers on the sands were also hurt, "to the amazement and discouragement of the whole town." Twelve Dunkirkers were slain, and the rest only saved themselves by swimming ashore, while the man-of-war went off with both the privateer and the buss. A fortnight later another privateer was chased into the

l chamber and threatening his subjects." Nevertheless, in the next month a like offence was committed at Blyth, when a Dutch man-of-war not only attacked a Dunkirk privateer lying in the harbour, but landed fifty men armed with muskets, who marched in military order nearly half a mile, "to the great terror of the inhabitants," and by seizing the fishing-boats, captured the Dunkirker and took her away. Not only so, but thirty of t

s may be preserved, and the trade of the kingdom of England and Ireland secured."454 In this regulation (which is printed in Appendix H) a claim to absolute dominion over the Four Seas was made. The king spoke of "that sovereignty and especial and peculiar interest and property which he and his predecessors, time out of mind, have had and enjoyed in the said seas, and so approved not only by the fundamental laws of this his kingdom, but by the acknowledgment and assent of the bordering princes and nations, as appeareth by undoubted records"-language which seems like an echo of Selden's Mare Clausum. Moreover, in referring to

out £43,000, the estimated expense of the crews being £6100 per month.456 Various other schemes were considered, including one to form a fleet of forty armed Newcastle colliers, to be employed primarily in convoying the coal ships, but capable of being called off at any time for the king's service. The want of money was the great obstacle to the formation of a strong fleet. The wages of the seamen and others employed were always in arrear,-at the end of 1627 the arrears amounted to £251,361,-and the victualling and furnishing of the ships afloat were of

ckade maintained by the Dutch, and Spanish vessels carrying soldiers and money for Dunkirk were to be protected by English ships; the mastery of the Dutch at sea was to be destroyed, the Republic was to be attacked and overthrown, and the country divided between the allies. The open avowal of such a policy would have been equivalent to making it almost impossible, for an alliance with Catholic Spain against the Protestant Republic was in the highest degree unpopular in England, and the fleet, moreover, was to be created by means of the ship-money writs. The negotiations had been carried on with the greatest secrecy; only three members of the Council (Portland, Cottington, and Windebank) were in the king's confidence, the others remaining in ignorance. It was thus necessary to deceive them as well as the nation as to the o

ptivity. The pirates, he said, were daily preparing all manner of shipping further to molest the merchants, unless a remedy was applied, and that in view also of the dangers menacing the realm "in these times of war," it was necessary to hasten the defence of the sea and kingdom. Therefore, he continued, "We willing by the help of God chiefly to provide for the defence of the kingdom, safeguard of the sea, security of our subjects, safe conduct of ships and merchandises to our kingdom of England coming, and from the same kingdom to foreign parts passing; forasmuch as we and our progenitors, Kings of England, have been always heretofore masters of the aforesaid sea, and it would be very irksome unto us if that princely honour in our time should be lost or in anything diminished," it was necessary for the sea-coast towns to furnish ships or 255 an equivalent in money.463 In similar language Coventry told the Judges in 163

road, and innumerable wrongs and insolences suffered in various parts of the world, because of the want of a sufficient navy to make our name respected. "All free trade," he wrote, "is interrupted"; within the king's own chambers squadrons of men-of-war from Biscay and Flanders took not only Hollanders, but Frenchmen, Hamburgers, and his Majesty's subjects. From the Hollanders "we suffered most by their intrusion on our fishings and pretence of Mare 256 Liberum," and they pursued and took prizes in our ports and rivers. But our trade and r

seas as within his three kingdoms; because without that these cannot be kept safe, nor he preserve his honour and due respect with other nations. But, commanding the seas, he may cause his neighbours and all countries to stand upon their guard whensoever he thinks fit. And this cannot be doubted, that whosoever will encroach upon him by sea, will do it by land also when they see their time. To such presumption," he added, "Mare Liberum gave the first warning-piece, which must be answered with a defence of Mare Clausum: not so much by discourses, as by the louder language of a powerful navy, to be better understood when overstrained patience seeth no hope of preserving her right by other means." The innuendo against the United Provinces was still further developed. They had impeached the king's dominion in his seas for a long course of years. They had been permitted to gather wealth and strength in our ports and on our coasts by trade and fishery, for which they had "sued to King James for license," granted under the great seal of Scotland; and when they had possessed themselves of our fishings "by leave or by connivance," and obtained a great trade by our staple, they so increased their shipping and naval power that now they would not endure to be kept at any distance. "Nay," exclaimed Coke, "to such confidence are they grown, that they keep guard upon our seas," and prohibit us free commerce within them; they take our ships and goods unless we conform to their placards. Besides all which, "what insolencies and cruelties" they have committed against us in the past, in Ireland, in Greenland, in the Indies, as known to all the world; care would be taken to refresh their memories on these wrongs "as there should be cause." After a preamble

r fears of immediate war. Explanations of similar tenour, but couched in more moderate language, were made to other Courts. The intentions of the king were declared to be quite peaceful, and stress was laid on the violations of the King's Chambers, "to the great derogation of that domi

ant vessels, making twenty-four in all;472 and though other ten royal ships which were being prepared to reinforce it were ultimately discharged, it was said by the common people that "never before had such a fleet been set out by England." In the king's commission appointing the Earl of Lindsey it was stated that he had thought fit, by the advice of his Council, to set forth to sea a navy as well for the defence and saf

f his employment, "that no nation or people whatsoever intrude thereon or injure any of them." If he met "in his Majesty's seas" any fleet or ships belonging to any foreign prince or state, he was to expect that the admiral or chief of them, in acknowledgment of his Majesty's sovereignty there, should perform "their duty and homage in passing by"; if they refused and offered to resist, he was "to force them thereunto, and to bring them in to answer this their high contempt and presumption according to law." He was to suffer no dishonour to be done to the king or derogation to his power or sovereignty in those seas. If English ships so far forgot their duty as not to strike their top-sa

miralty, "you are not to permit or suffer any men-of-war to fight with each other, or men-of-war with merchant, or merchant with merchant, in the presence of his Majesty's ships in any part of the Narrow Seas. But you are to do your best to keep peace in those seas for the freer

ordered to do his utmost, by spies and otherwise, to discover whether any considerable preparations were being made abroad.475 The instructions in 1631 appear to have represented the English pretensions so far as they were understood at the time. There was nothing about forbidding the hostilities of belligerents, as in Lindsey's instructions. On the contrary, Pennington was told that if he saw any Hollanders and Dunkirkers in fight at sea he was to take no part with either, "but to pass by and leave them to their fortunes"; and he issued orders to his subordinates to that effect.476 In his 262 instructions in 1633 this clause was repeated, but in other respects they resembled those of Lindsey.477 The same duties were allotted to him in 1

e a sanctuary like the waters of the King's Chambers,-a sort of territorial girdle which it carried about with it like an aureole round the head of a saint. Pennington's suggestion was considered by the Admiralty early in April 1634, and Nicholas, the Secretary, was instructed to confer with Sir 263 Henry Marten, the Judge of the Admiralty Court, with regard to it. Nicholas summed up his own views oracularly in the sentence, "If a merchant fly from men-of-war, it concerns the king's ships to preserve trade." Sir Henry Marten gave a clear opinion. "It is not fit," he said, "nor honourable for the king's ships appointed to guard the Narrow Seas to suffer any men-of-war to fight with each other, or men-of-war with merchants, or merchant with merchant, in the presence of the king's ships

e narrow seas in the sight of his Majesty's ships, while he commanded there as Admiral. Pennington had then only two ships and two "Whelps" under his command,-a force quite inadequate to enforce an innovation so revolutionary,-and Charles apparently did not think the time or circumstances fitting for it, for the Admiral's instructions in 1634 were virtual

eaving to them the responsibility of applying them to specific cases according to their judgment and discretion. Both Pennington in the previous year, and the Earl of Northumberland in the following year, had to ask for further and more precise directions. So also did Lindsey now. He wrote to Charles on receipt of the royal commands, asking a number of questions. In the first place, he asked that the "bounds of his Majesty's seas might be expressed"-a reasonable request, and one frequently made by naval officers. He was loftily told by Coke, who replied, that "his Majesty's seas are all about his dominions, and to the largest extent of those seas,"-an answer not very illuminating, and of little use to the Admiral.481 His second question was whether the ships of the King of France, or the Archduke, or the Dutch States, might not "lie to and again" upon

husiasm in England and enable him to attempt to recover the Palatinate for his nephew, while ostensibly defending the national honour. But the punctilios and hesitation of Lindsey about the

fleet. On the very day of departure a couple of Dunkirk privateers "were so insolent" as to set upon a Dutch merchantman in Dover Road, under the Admiral's nose and in sight of the fleet, battering the ship, slaying the gunner, and wounding the men. As an offset, the fleet captured a small prize from a Dunkirker, which was to be 266 sold for the benefit of the Fishery Society. Then the Earl himself had been snubbed by the Admiralty, and left with a flea in his ear. He wanted a

toe of expectation of stirring news. The fleet had scarcely quitted its anchorage when London was full of rumours. The Swallow got credit for having sent to the bottom a Dutch man-of-war before she had even left Deptford. A few days later it was reported that a fight had taken place in the Channel, a violent cannonade having been heard on the English coast, whereat Charles looked anxious and moody.484 But it was only a peaceful salutation between the English fleet and a Danish man-of-war, "who did their duty" in p

f fifty-six sail had been seen off Falmouth on the 19th, the fleet went off westwards, calling at Plymouth, where it stayed for a few days. On one occasion they thought they had come up with their quarry. They espied a great number of ships at a distance, dimly visible in the morning mist, which made them "provide their guns" and get ready for action. But they turned out to be only peaceful salt-ships from Rochelle. Despatches were sent to the Court from Plymouth on 23rd June, in which Lindsey stated he was going on to Land's End, "and so to make a short return from thence." He also defended himself from compla

yor of Weymouth485 had been well taken, yet it would have been more for the king's honour and the Earl's also if this office had been done with due homage to the Earl. And this all the more because there was a common report that the French had forced some English merchant vessels to strike sail to them, and that the French and Dutch had visited English ships,-an act, said Coke, of direct pretence to equal rights in our seas which the Earl must not suffer; he must not allow English ships to be visited by the men-of-war of any nation whatsoever, and he must be careful to protect them from all wrongs. In particular-and the request should have opened his eyes,-if any English merchant ships came from the Straits, Spain, or Portugal, with Spanish coin or other commodities (for Dunkirk), he must take care that no man go on board or interrupt them. He should convoy English ships in t

ard on 28th June, explaining his movements, stating that his ship was leaking, grumbling again about the want of a standard,-"his commission making him equal to a Lord High Admiral of England," &c., &c.,-and complaining that his letters were not answered. Coke's letter awaited him at Plymouth, and in reply to it he said, on 5th July, that he neither deserved his scorn for a fall in a coach nor his blame for negligence. Was it his fault that the French sought to avoid him? They had left t

France could be obtained; not even a pirate was seen, the presence of the fleet no doubt having scared them from their haunts in the Channel. On 3rd August Lindsey's fleet returned 270 to the Downs for revictualling, what remained of the victuals on board being very bad,-"the beef is so extremely tainted," he had written on 21st July, "that when the shifter

seas were to carry no flags at all, and therefore could not strike them; and if the combined fleet met the English, the Admiral of the States would, in his accustomed manner, strike, without the dignity of France being compromised or Charles being given the rebuff for which he was seeking.487 When on the following day Richelieu learned that the Spanish transports for the relief of Dunkirk had entered that port, he ordered the 271 combined fleet to withdraw altogether from the Channel, as their further presence there was useless and might give occasion for a conflict.488 Thus it was that Lindsey could not find them. While Richelieu's strategy succeeded, the course adopted was somewhat pusillanimous and not calculated to add to the laurels of France. He therefore took advantage of an incident to raise the question of the flag diplomatically with England, in the hope of having the respective rights of

ct in all former times, and "for near forty years within his 272 own knowledge,"-that the Admiral should defend and maintain the ancient known rights of the crown; guard the seas, secure freedom of commerce, suppress pirates, and oppose hostile acts in prejudice thereof; assist his Majesty's friends and allies, attempt no innovation, nor do anything contrary to his treaties,-and so he presumed that no one would do anything to impeach his Majesty's ancient and undoubted rights. But instead of being satisfied with this "fair answer," the French ambassador put into Coke's hands a regulation he had drawn up, prescribing to both kings "when and where the one

les on 2nd August that he had consulted the ablest men in the fleet, the captains and masters, and they were of opinion that "his Majesty's great ships would run much hazard" upon the northern coasts. Moreover, if the fleet went north, would it not encourage the French to quit their retreat and "embolden them perhaps to do that which now standing in awe they forbear to do?" Still, he was willing to do whatever the king thought best. Th

d found the French fleet. For the Dunkirk privateers, swiftly taking advantage of Richelieu's withdrawal of the blockading squadron from their port, had made a bold dash into the North Sea and overwhelmed the Hollanders off the coast

vessels were engaged in looking for "picaroons" in the Straits of Dover. For during the absence of the fleet, the post-boat between Dover and Dunkirk had been attacked and pillaged five times within seven 274 weeks, and the packages containing the king's letters opened.496 A French man-of-war, too, had taken an English ship off Harwich and carried her off to Boulogne. Such occurrences, and the presence of Van Dorp in the north, delayed Lindsey's departur

be done to any of his Majesty's allies, nor to permit his sovereignty to be infringed upon; to give convoys to merchants when they wished it; to clear his Majesty's

og, Sir John Pennington, when he heard that a still stronger fleet was 275 preparing for the next year, should exclaim, "God grant they may do more than the present fleet has done, or the money were as well saved as spent."498 No doubt the fleet had a moral value, if that term can be used about it, the naval demonstration being an intimation to France and to the Dutch Republic that Charles was resolved to assert command of the sea. Whether England could have proved herself mistress of the seas in 1635, had Lindsey's fleet been opposed, is problematical. But, at all events, Charles a

h coast) to strike their flag to the king's ships, nothing was accomplished. The politic arrangement of Richelieu foiled Lindsey and Charles alike, and the great spectacle of the Admiral of France lowering his flag to the Admiral of England, 276 or giving battle and refusal, was not witnessed. The disappointment at the English Court was all the more kee

ordered by the Admiralty "to see that no one presumes to carry the flag in the Narrow Seas"; all the more since "some" pretended to have an interest in the sovereignty of these seas.504 When Pennington pointed out that this "was more than ever was done, for our own merchants' ships and all other nations ever have and do wear their flags, till they come within shot of the king's ships: if they take them in and keep them in till they are out of shot again, it is as much as has ever been expected,"-when he told the Admiralty this, he was informed that the "Lords would not expect impossibilities"-the main business he was to take care of was to see that no foreigner carried the flag where his Majesty's ships were present in the Narrow Seas.505 Then Captain Plumleigh in the Antelope reported that on meeting two States' men-of-war guarding the herring-fishers off Orfordness, the Admiral had "stood" with the Antelope with his flag aloft, and did not take it in till several shots had been fired at him; and when requested to come on board and explain his conduct, he refused. How, asked Plumleigh, was he to comport himself in such cases? The matter was brought before the Admiralty, but no answer appears to have been 278 then given.506 Two or three years later Pennington put the same and other queries to the king. He had been appointed in April 1633 Admiral of the Narrow Seas, with general instructions already quoted (see p. 262), to preserve the king's honour, coasts, and jurisdiction, and to compel homage to the flag. Pennington asked whether

king of England's ships should suffer none to wear ye flag but themselves: but in other roades after salutes both may weare ye flag without dishonour." The exceptional treatment proposed for ships in French roads may have been in part owing to the political circumstances of the time, but probably chiefly had reference to ancient custom and the old claims of England to the soil of France. Charles still styled himself King of France; and later Selden argued that though English dominion had b

ttempting it before. The Admiralty asked Pennington's opinion as to the proper course, and he said he thought that all the ships of his Majesty's subjects and of foreigners and strangers should strike their flags and top-sails as they passed by any of his Majesty's castles; such, he said, was the custom in all parts of Christendom, "which, being done, they may ride under the castles with their colours flying abroad if there be none of the king's own ships present." The king's 280 castles had thus not so high a status as the king's ship; but the military officers were not less zealous than those of the navy. Pennington himself had an amusing illustration of their zeal, for in 1631 Sir William Killigrew, the Captain of Pendennis Castle, persisted in "spending the king's powder" in shooting at the Bonaven

emand superiority on that side of the sea, and "threatening" to wear their flags there as well as he. But Plumleigh boldly returned a message-what he called "a cooling card"-to their Admiral, saying that if he showed a Dutch flag there, he "would sink 281 him or be sunk by him," which caused him to keep his colours close.512 In the following year, Captain Ketelby, of the Bonaventure, was sent to Boulogne to bring over another ambassador (Lord Weston), and finding the Admiral of Amsterdam in the Road with his flag up, he "gave her a shot," when she struck it and presently hoisted it again. Ketelby then sent his lieutenant to command him to take in his flag or prepare to defend it. The Dutch Admiral argued, and kept it up till Ketelby was preparing to shoot again, when he took it in. Two days later another Dutch admiral, this time the Admiral of Holland, came into the Road with ten or twelve ships of war; within a reasonable distance he struck his flag

the Vanguard, the latter gave them six pieces of ordnance, twice sending a cannon-ball through the hull of one of them. Then for a similar reason, too great an alacrity in re-hoisting her flag, another Hollander was shot through with five pieces by the Rainbow. So anxious were the English officers to compel the homage that they sometimes demanded it at night. The Freeman, returning from convoying merchant-ships to Dunkirk, met in the night-time a fleet of Dutch merchantmen with one convoy accompanying them, and shot to make them strike. In the darkness the traders t

and it was useless to follow. They sent a message that they did not care for the English now, and would not strike. On the other hand, just as Lindsey reached the Downs at the beginning of October, Captain Stradling in the Swallow 283 met the French Admiral, for whom the Earl had been searching all summer,

p did not strike in time, the naval captain should complain to his Admiral or to the Admiralty. He was strongly of opinion that too much discretion should not be left to the naval officers in this matter. It was, he said, too much to hazard an English ship being sunk or English lives lost on a point on which a mistake might easily be made.516 The official instruction given to the officers was either to punish the offenders themselves or to report them to the Admiral or to the Admiralty. Neglectful merchant vessels were sometimes severely punished. In April 1632, when Lady Strange and a large party of Lords, with a great retinue, went on board Pennington's ship, the Convertive, lying in Tilbury Hope, a merchant ship, the Matthew of London, passed up the river "in an insolent manner," not striking his flag until he had come up with the Convertive, and soon hoisting it a

matter. It flattered the national vanity and kept alive the national aspiration for power on the sea, and it did not interfere with the duties of the men-of-war which gave the salute. But to the merchantman anxious for his voyage, often undermanned and contending with turbulent seas, it must have been vexatious to be called upon every now and again to lower his top-sails to a king's ship, or take the risk of a shot through his sides or a heavy fine. The inc

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