Socialism and Democracy in Europe

ISH LABO

the earth. And just as the continents were centuries in settling themselves to their new conditions, so human society is now slowly adjusting itself to the conditions wrought by this viol

Commissions of Inquiry: statistical mines where Marx and Engels found abundant material for their philosophy of gloom. And from these dull and depressing government folios Charles Kingsley drew his indignant invectives, and Carlyle his trenchant indictments against a society that would imprison its eight-year-old children, its mothers, and its gran

lf, and the state and society were apathetic. The rapid expansion of industry found an ample outlet in the growing commerce to every corner of the world. England was making money. She was gradually shifting control from the traditional landowner to the new factory owner. The landed gentry had inherited a fine sense of patriarchal respons

and a revolution seemed impending. This first great outbreak of English labor was a political movement, fed by economic causes. The repeal of the corn laws and the passage of th

industrialism, not in unionism. The laboring men were now beginning to organize, and Cobden himself proposed the act that made unionism ineffective as a political force. However, indirectly, free trade stimul

ialism" with judicial solemnity. All the training of the English people is contrary to the theory of progress through violence. They have had few revolutions accompanied by bloodshed, they have had a great many accompanied by prayers and Parliamentary oratory-"constitutional" methods. They have, moreover, a real reverence for property. The

. Such temperaments are not given to rapid propagandism. And finally, the Englishman is too practical to be a utopist. He concerns himself with the duties of to-day rather than the vagaries of to-morrow. Utopianism made no impression on him. Owen, the great Utopian, was a Welshman

than there is in England to-day. It is discussed everywhere. Almost the entire time of Parliament during the p

than in any other European country. And less being said about the theory of value, the class war, ca

m" at "socializing capitalistic production." The doings of the English are certainly not accomplished in the spirit of his orthodoxy. But the current toward state control, to

rs filled with letters from everybody; every organization, debating society, and board of directors of great industries passing resolutions. Even the Labor Party is divided over the paternalistic mea

the state (community) over property, or into activities formerly left to individuals or to the home, is an indication of the Socialistic trend. Old-fashioned Socialists like Keir Hardie are constantl

country so long abandoned to a rampant individualism, are portents of a newer time. They are signals of approaching changes to America, to us who have inherited the

cceeding general elections, these public discussions, these new laws, indicate that a new social id

te schemes of Owen, the altruistic propaganda under the gentle Kingsley and his noble companion Maurice, the artistic revolt against the ugliness of commercialism led by Ruskin, who even shared the toil of the br

enthroned. Commercialism and a glittering pseudo-humanitarian internationalism found expr

ery that was appalling. Every protester was proudly pointed to the repeal of the cor

le of England have long been asleep; when they awake they will be hungry." When the England of to-d

ition of the manual workers in relation to the general wealth of the country has not improved. They formed, with those dependent upon them, the greater part of the nation in 1867, and they enjoyed but about forty per cent. of the national income, according to the careful estimate of Dudley Baxter. To-day, with their army of dependents, they still form the greater part of the nation, although not quite so great a part, and, according to the best inform

sh. "As for pauperism, it is difficult to congratulate ourselves upon improvement since 1867, when we remember that in England and Wales alone 1,500,000 to 2,000,0

ribution remains so great, that, while the total population in 1867 was 30,000,000, we have to-day a nation of 30,000,000 poor people in our rich country, and many millions of these are living under conditions of degrad

wretched of British workmen,[5] whose wages were so low that they could not buy bread for their families and their employment was so irregular that they were idle half of the time. John Burns came into prominence fi

ver the kingdom unskilled labor was roused to its

I

land.[6] The movement has been economic, turning to politics only in recent years; it concerned

ong since introduced into America, but unknown in most European countries. The E

and the unions had done very much as they pleased. Two decisions have been rendered during t

joined the union from picketing and from interfering with the men in their contractual relations with the employing company, and assessed the damages at $100,000 against the offending union. The House of Lords, sit

m making a levy on its members, and from using any of its funds for the purpose of maintaining any of its members, or any other person, in Parliament. The unions had taken it for granted that they had the legal right to contribute out of their

irs, but the co-operative movement began here; and here it flourishes, not as widely spread

ss weekly income of $10. Owen did not start this shop, but a handful of his followers were the promoters of the tiny enterprise. The co-operative union to-day embraces whol

. In 1903 there were two such companies, with $200,000 worth of property. In 1909 they had increased to 15 associatio

organize. Their organizations included at first only the skilled workers. There was a gulf between the trained

ts united. The Taff Vale and Osborne judgments have forced them into politics. The unskilled have been given the

ganization was necessary. We will

than in the other countries we have studied, and more varied in color.

(popularly "S.D.P."), and remains the only organized trace of militant, reactionary Marxianism in England. For a long time it refrained from politics, advocated violence, and was the faithful imitator of the Guesdist party in France. These are doctrines and methods that repel the English mind, and the Federation never has been strong. It has a weekly paper, Justice, and a monthly paper, The Social Democrat; claims one member in Parliament, elected however by the Labor Par

morrow. Henry George's books had been read by a group of young men in London, and when Dr. Davidson went there to lecture he found these young men ready to listen to his utopian generalizations. Soon these men organized the Fabian Society. They were not sure of

e sociologist; George Bernard Shaw, the playwright and cynic; Chiozza Money, statistician and member of Parliament; Rev. R.J. Campbell of the Ci

mosis. They have, thus, not only contributed by far the most brilliant literature to modern Socialism, but have touched some of the inner springs of political and social power. Prime ministers and borough councilmen, poor-law guardians and chancellors of the exchequer, have

l. Its brilliant "missionaries" attract large audiences, and "Fabian Essays" have passed through many editions. Each member of thi

ot a Socialist organization, but it has enlisted a wide practical interest in the labor movement. It was the outgrowth of the Pan-Anglican Congress, which met at Lambeth in 1888.

s. The League is growing rapidly. Branches are springing up all over the country. Its members have addressed thousands of meetings on behalf of both Socialist and labor candidates at Parliamentary and principal

as spread to the universities, especially to Oxford and Cambri

rch Socialists were avowedly not partisan. In 1893 a group of labor delegates met at Bradford and, under the leadership of Keir Hardie, organized the Independent Labor Party (I.L.P.). This definite step had been preceded by many local political organizations among labor unionists. The n

mittee, whose duty it was, as the name implies, to increase labor's representation in Parliament.[14] This committee had first to determine its relation to the other political parties. The Liberals and Conservatives among the laborites were outvoted, and the commi

st should find it impossible to work with the party. Its constitution defines this coalition: "The Labor Party is a federation consisting of Trade Unions, Trade Councils, Socialist Socie

of candidates to Parliament and to organize and mai

fore their constituents under the title of labor candidates; abstain strictly from identifying themselves with or promoting the interests of any Parliamentary party not affiliated, or its candidates; and they m

.[15] The Osborne judgment has been a serious setback to the party, especially in local elections. The payment of members was voted in 1911 by Parliament

The party refused to commit itself to Socialistic principles until 1907, when it declared itself in favor of the following resolution: "The socialization of the means of production, distribution, and exchange to be controlled in

in rural district councils, 124 in parish councils, 145 on poor-law boards, 23 on school boards. There are (

m in England coalesced. But a more important co

a cry of wonder went up from press and public. People wrote and spoke as if these 50 members were the forerunners of a political and social revolution; as if the old party divisions were completely worn out, and as if power were about to pass to a new political party that would represent the masses as opposed to the classes. These fears or hopes were reflected in the House of Commons itself. During the early mont

ce the Boer war have given this "other England" its chance. The gentry, the Whigs and Tories, will never again fight their political jousts with

ding of school children, from the homes of the poor, out of public funds. "The business in life of my colleagues and myself is to

ad awaken

individualistic laissez-faire, and extended the functions of the state into activities that had hitherto been left to individual initiative. A complete revolution had taken place since Cobden's day. The state acknowledged new social a

democratic parliament concessions are always made to large portions of the electorate by the parties in power, and because the practical temperament

the debate. Kautsky said that in times of national crises like war it might be necessary for Socialists to co-operate with the government to insure national safety

al of government, and he was not entirely averse to political action on the part of Socialists. "To capture Parliament, and turn it

he restriction by law of the day's labor.... All this I admit and say is a hopeful sign, and yet once again I say there is a snare in it.... A snake lies lurking in the grass." "Those who think they can deal with our present

event of the century would be the merging of the social question with politics. The "piecemeal" method that Morris decried became the

on both your houses, a plague on all your politics, a plague on all your unending discussions that yield so little fruit.'"[23] And the same year John (now Lord) Morley prophesied: "Now I dare say the time may come, it may come

iberal Party of to-day. The "unnamed" party of Rosebery is the Labor Party, which not only says, "A plague u

unmixed with politics. The Labor Party possesses not only the 30 or 40 votes in the House of Commons; there are hundreds of thousands of labor vote

ideal. In fact, a number of Socialists are sitting with the Liberals. There

nt" has ruled quite arbitrarily. When there are only two parties this is possible. But when an inf

re government by the Commons, and less government by the ministry. This entente can degenerate into Parliamentary tyranny if it wishes. It can demand the cl?ture, as well

convincing proof of the character of the new legislation and the opinions that prompt it. We must co

ly half of these were in London.[26] This law is especially assailed by the anti-Socialists. They claim its administration has been too lenient, not discriminating between the needy and those capable of self-help. It is only the entering wedge of Socialism, they say

. Lloyd George, then president of the Board of Trade, averted the strike by enlisting all the power of the government in persuading the companies and the men to agree to a scheme of arbitration. This was to last a stipulated term of years, but before the time had elapsed the men actually struck (1911), and for a week the country was in a panic. Lloyd George, the

rovides all the funds. In 1909 the Labor Exchange Act empowered the Board of Trade to establish labor exchanges. These have been established in every city. At first there was som

w the trend of the changing re

s; the improvement of inland navigation, including the building of canals; and the development and improvement of fisheries. This law endows the government with the necessary authority for the absorption of virtually all the internal means of communication except the trunk railways, and extends the paternal arm of the government over agriculture and the fisheries and subsidiary industries.[27] The first report of the commission, 1910-11, indicates that work under this law has be

ves authority to county councils to "provide small holdings for persons who desire to buy or lease and will themselves cultivate the holdings." This provisi

workingman's association for improving and erecting dwellings, and to buy the necessary land for making improvements of all kinds. John Burns, wh

s were purchased or leased under the allotment act, and sublet to 100,498 individual tenants. "Town planning" has pro

or 7,000 holders. Thirty per cent. of the applicants are agricultural laborers, and the majority of the others are drawn from the rural population who have some smal

Parliamentary inquiry, and the great railway strike of 1911 emphasized the matter profoundly. The state in 1911 co

ce, is changing its aspect. Since the granting of municipal home rule it has built a vast system of street railways, cleaned out acr

ause they are more revolutionary, far-reaching, and democratic than any

ies. He said: "Personally, I look on the Budget as a part only of a comprehensive scheme of fiscal and social reform: the setting up of a great insurance sch

ainst all the changes that industrialism has wrought. There has been no general land appraisement since the Pilgrims landed at the new Plymouth. The "land monopoly" successfully resiste

e owned by 2,500 persons. "While the total income of the nation is ￡1,840,000,000, the landowners take ￡

wns has enormously multiplied the va

lue with which the land is endowed because of its favorable location. Second, to this was added a 10 per cent. reversion duty. Third, a tax was levied on und

n attack also upon hereditary rights in politics. The House of Lords became an issue as well as the budget. After a fiery and furious campaign, in which Socialists and Laborites joined Radicals and Liberals, the budget won by a safe majority.[35] The Lords passed the measure. But this resistance cost them dear. One of the first

om the House of Lords the power to amend a money bill so as to change its character. If any other bill passed by the Commons is rejected by the Lords, the Commons can pass it over their veto; and if this is done in three consecutive sessions of the same Parliament-provided two years elapse between the introduction of the bill and its third rejection by the Lords-it becomes a law. The law is intended as a preliminary measure. The preamble states that it is the intention of the government to provide for a second chambe

naccompanied by any of those popular and spectacular demonstrations one naturally expects to see on such occasions. T

tened the King and his Iron Duke,-whose statue now adorns every available square in the city,-and made it known that their wishes must be respected. To-day the people, secure in the knowledge of their su

the law with insurance against non-employment. The law is of especial interest to Americans, because it adapts the principle of the German system to the Anglo-Saxon's traditional aversion to state bureaucracy. It commands a compulsory contribution from employer and employee, supplemented by state grants

n the reports of the Royal Poor Law Commissioners, 1905-9. The commission made two volumin

nced by the most radical Laborites on the ground that labor was charged with contributing to the

I

e; it is the result of industrial conditions, as well as the prompter of changes. The permeation of the working classes with the principles of state aid; the spread of discontent; the lure of better days; all deepened and emphasized by the poverty of the Island, are the sources of

y Webb appealed to the Liberals to espouse the cause of lab

Social Democracy go? Second, how long will the Labor Party hold together

o vote in every district where he holds land. In some districts the absentee voters hold the balance of power.[40] Votes for women are also promised. This increased electorate will not be conservative in its convictions. Along with

of the state, it will "probably retain its distinction from Socialism in taking for its chief test of policy the freedom of the individual citizen

ity. "Property is not an absolute right of the individual owner which the state is bound to maintain at his behest. On the contrary, the state on its side is justified in examining the rights which he may claim, and criticising them; seeing it is by the

Englishmen. In the convention of the I.L.P., 1910, there was a prolonged discussion on the policy of the party in its relation to other parties. "The Labor Party should stand for labor, not for Liberalism," was the complaint. Keir Hardie suggested that they were not in Parliament to keep governments in off

placing upon the state the responsibility of directly providing employment or maintenance for the genuinely unemployed."[45] John Burns opposed their amendment in 1911, in a brilliant and vehement speech, not so much b

dockers to the railway workers, and then to the teamsters and drivers of the larger cities, until a general tie-up of transportation was threatened. It came very near being a model general strike. Its violence was met with a call for th

is great strike clearly revealed the difference between violent Socialism and moderate radicalism. The one is

. The following quotation from a speech delivered by Ramsay MacDonald, leader of th

nt of an action is begun, controlled, and specified by the system of social interrelationship in which we live, move, and have our being; and still more, nobody who understands the delicate and intricate complexity of production and exchange which keeps modern society going, will dream for a single moment of changing it by any

tion of policies and cheering phrases which obviously do not take into account some of the most important and at the same time most difficult problems which representation in Parliament presents to it."[48] In another place MacDonald has detailed the steps in the progress of Parliamentary Socialism. He begins with "palliatives," such

r Hardie and his immediate followers still cling to the "larger hope" of a soc

llennial absurdities," and of the budget he said: "If not a surrender of the capitalist citadel, it is at all events letting down the drawbridge."[50] The publi

c-spirited liberalism and a rational collectivism, ought, with a genuine effort at mutual understanding, to disappear. The two parties are called on to make common cause against the

y in an "alliance, won by persistent, intelligent helpfulness on the part of the Liberals, with the alienated artisans, fo

ts. It is not the red revolutionary Socialism of Marx; it is the practical British Socialism of amelioration. "This practical, constitutional, evolutionary Socialism," a chronicler of

ink they were mistaken. They were not. There was a revolution around the next corner. It has already captured the high places. Society, government, is rapidly encroaching upon private property through the powers of taxation, of police supervision, and all manner of constitutional instrument

TNO

supra,

Riches and Poverty, f

cit.,

cit., pp

mith, The Story of the Doc

ce Webb, History of Trade

. The following table gives some conception of the magnitude of the out-of-work p

r A

￡23

185

261

325

429

516

655

523

424

466

hiozza Money estimates that 500,000 ar

911, when the Radical-Liberal government passed a

ory of Trades Unionism, edition of 1911. The labor unions and the Labor Party have issued pamphlet

n in Great Britain; 3,000,000 belong to co-ope

dman, Autobiograp

ishopric of Oxford. The letter was written during the railway and dockers' strike, in September, 1911: "There is a profound sense of unrest and dissatisfaction among workers recently. I cannot but believe that this profound discontent is justified, though some particular exhibitions of it are not. As Christians we are not justified in tolerating the conditions of life and labor under wh

ent of Principle

was hard to break. The vote to take this step was 54

ate. They frequently are over $3,000, and it obviously is impossi

f Labor Party, Ann

Britain, a compilation publis

Labor Party since its formation in 1900, from

cils and Local Labor Par

p No. No. Mem

3,070 7 3 22

5,450 21 2 1

47,315 49 2

56,025 76 2

85,270 73 2

04,496 73 2

5,182 83 2 20

,673 92 2 22,2

,035 133 2 27,

,648 155 2 30,

,473 125 2 31,

rs, and 3,500 members of the Women's Labor League. [4] Includes 678 Co-operators, and 4,000 members of

uring the last year is ascri

cialism in the Hous

s of Liberalism, for a discussi

tward seeming, ... has just begun a new history." See his The English People: A Study in The

, 5th series, vol. 21, p.

still persists that he is a Socialist. He is a Fabian, and boasts of the three times that he was imprisoned for participating in labor agitations. About twenty years before his elevation he said in the Old Bailey, where he had been arraigned for "sedition and c

legislation. They are not, however, in favor of the indefinite expansion of dem

orris, Signs o

ed in St. James' Ha

vered at Newcast

"front bencher" always commands a hearing, owing to his high position in the party. The members of the party sit behind their leaders and are called "back

eport Board of Ed

Parliament, fathered this law. Sidney Webb, the disti

Annual Report o

Report Home Of

] I

proposed to raise by taxes, and e

ney, Riches and

Class of Own

nd peeresse

t landowne

uires? 4

ter yeomen

ser yeomen

ll propriet

Cottager

lic bodies

ands 1,

5 34,5

ication is pur

. cit.,

ts revert to the landlord. There has been, for years, a well-organized Single-Tax movement in England t

paraded the streets in that eager campaign is full of signifi

and, 'twas God w

nd, the ground o

eggars, with the b

e land to t

mbers on the benches, and a labor member called the attention of the Speaker to the fact that "in this hou

and their champion, Bernard Shaw, called Lloyd George's

it for the following measures passed duri

for the unemployed, and the extraction of a promise th

s Boards Bill-the first effec

ll authorizing the amalgama

e Tsar. The Labor Party's amendments secured 70 supporters, whilst only 187 m

a promise that it shall be adopted by the government and passed.

An Appeal to the Liberal Pa

house, on "Democracy in England,"

, The Crisis of

e, Democracy and

eenth Annual Conferenc

pra cit

wer is no use to us" (supra cit., p. 35). The discipline of the Labor Party was unable to keep half a dozen of its ablest debaters from fighting the Insurance Bill. The reversion of the radical Socialist elemen

ge used in the amendment

Debates, 5th series, vo

merican friend: "The police brutalities in Trafalgar Square have done wonders in helping to widen the gap between the workingmen

leader, and Keir Hardie, the Socialist. Keir Hardie had made inflammatory speeches to striking workmen, and for this the Chance

nald: speech deliver

cDonald, The Socialis

, Preface to "

eorge's famous "

e, Democracy and

s, The Opportunity of

of the Fabians, on the Fabian Socie

The Crisis of Li