Socialism and Democracy in Europe

IAN LABO

have absorbed the leading characteristics of the social movement in each of these countries. "From England Belgian Socialists have learned self-help, and have copied their free and independent organizations, principally in the form of co-operative societies. From Germany they have adopted the political tactics and the

country, like the suburbs of one vast manufacturing community. These working people have always been miserably housed and poorly fed. In 1903-05 a public inquiry into housing conditio

nd women one-tenth only worked less than ten hours a day; the rest worked from ten to twelve hours. One-fourth of these working people had a wage of 2 francs (40 cents) a day, another fourt

ceived less than 2

eived less than 2-3

eived less than 3-4

eived more than 4 f

as modified them somewhat in the tenant's favor; and the holdings small. Agricultural wages are very low. The men in the Flemish district receive an average of 1.63 francs

; and is equaled only by the most backward countries of southern Europe. In 1902, out of every 1,000 militiamen, 101 were entirely illiterate; in France, 46; in England, 37; in Holland, 23; in Switzerland, 20; in Denmark, .

government for years paid no heed to their misery, and the Church, which is very powerful in Belgium, was c

y burdens that weigh down the great countries of Europe. There have been no international complications. This little country, with i

re of the working people than the state or the Church. No one seemed to care how th

s inquiry, to the political dev

by the people, the Representatives by direct, the Senators by indirect, elections. The King has the veto power and the power to prorogue parliament. A gen

hic prerogatives, but to ecclesiastical supremacy. This medieval policy it imposed upon school and government and Church. The party has until very recently been in the majority. It is strongest in the low counties, among the agricultural Flemings.

cal affairs, but also against the financial policies of the Conservatives. The Liberals early espo

y-holders and professional men of the country. In 1890, out

he spinners and weavers of Ghent. The same year Colin published his book, What Is Social Science? This volume prepared the way for the remarkable collectivist movement, which was stimulated into modern activity by Anselee, a workingman of Ghent and organizer of the Voorui

The Belgian labor movement had a threefold origin-the co-operative movement of Colin, the labor-union movement, and the Socialistic or political move

éral). An executive committee of nine is chosen from this council, and this committee has practical control of the party. The annual convention is the supreme authority. It elects the general council and decides, in democratic fashion, all important questions of policy and activity. Every constituent org

00 co-operative societies were formed, and within a few years 7,000 mutual aid societies were organized. The mem

education. The second was necessarily included in the first; for without parliamentary power it would be impossible to secure liberal educational laws, and with

monarchy, struggling toward political recognition. It is armed with all the weapons of militant Socialism: a revolutionary tradition; a national history rich in mob violence, street brawls, and conflicts with police a

ication of the Marxian conditions; viz., the liberal bourgeois prove a potent ally to the Socialists in the press and on the floor of the Chamber of Repres

men issued an appeal to their fellows to begin the battle for the ballot. In 1879 the Socialists issued a manifesto which stated t

d ones, and all the Belgians are divided into two classes-those who

f society ought to be represented in the Chamber of Representatives, because the people whose daily b

s solemnly promulgated on one occasion may, w

0 persons from various parts of the kingdom paraded the streets of the capital. There was a clash with the police, and a number of arrests were made. From 1881 to 1885 the Liberals tried to persuade the Clericals to agree upon a constitutional revision; and the Socialists brought to bear upon them all the pressure of the streets. But the Clericals

welding together all the forces of discontent and unifying their demands into a protest so strong that the gove

ngenious piece of propagandist literature, a Workingman's Catechism (Catechism du Peuple), written by a workingman. Two hundred thousand copies in French and 60,000 in Fl

. "Who a

"I am

you no

humanity I am a man, but in re

25th article of

onstitution says: 'All power

this

is a fa

"Wh

habitants, about 6,000,000, and of this 6,000,000

learned his catechism. Those who could not read gathered in groups around the

truction of property and clashing with police and soldiery to create a panic in the country. In Brussels business was at a standstill for days. The Socialist Party, in a circular issued to the people, said: "The

g the people to violence. The Socialists repudiated the Anarchists, and one of their orators sa

the demonstrants refrain from shouting, "Vive la République!" Thirty thousand laboring men joined in the demonstration. The Liberals and Radicals refused to take part in it because they claimed it was only a workingma

isoned in spite of the popular clamor for universal amnesty. T

r Progressists, at their first congress in 1877 declared themselves in favor of the separation of Church and state, military reform, compulsory education, social and electoral reform. They were, however, not

take part in the marching, but they were stationed along the route to cheer the men in line. Before they dispersed, all the participants united in taking a solemn oat

ecause it drew Radicals, Progressists, and Socialists into a united campaign for suffrage reform. The conference resolved to organize demonstrations in every corner of the kingdom

ves. The resolutions of this conference were pervaded by the traditional apostolic paternalistic spirit of the Church. It demanded social reform, amelioration of harsh condition

ators. The great mass of Belgian workmen were arou

to the rich, who could purchase freedom from military service. The po

w had not heeded the wishes of the nation, a parliament of the People should be called, to be composed of as many member

ssels 8,000 men marched to the city hall and handed the mayor their petition protesting against the privileged election laws and d

cising the rights of citizenship as those of neighboring countries. All parties agreed to discuss the amendment. The debate held popular excitement in abeyance. But as it became more and more evident that nothing would be done the workingman became restive. Early in 1892 riots broke out in various cities. The sit

lusion of illiterates and persons in receipt of public or private charity; (4) household suffrage and mental capacity defined by law; (5) th

e years, 5,253; all other propositions together, 3,015. In Huy, out of 3,513 voters only 1,800 voted, and 1,700 of these were in favor of universal suffrage. In Antwer

were in favor of revision, but could not agree upon a plan. The Radicals were in favor of universa

d down by the Chamber of Representatives. The

ines were idle the police and soldiers were busy. Six men were killed at Joliment, six killed and twelve wounded at Mons. In Brussels the mob pried up the paving-stones for weapons; the city guards patrolled the city, meetings were forbidden, the streets were cleared of people, and the mayor was w

. It sent out this pronouncement: "The Labor Party through its general council records the insertion of manhood suffrage in the Constitution. It declares that this first victory of the party ha

male citizens twenty-five years of age. But this was modified in favor of property and education by the granting of additional votes. One additional vote was give (1) to every voter thirty-five years of age who was the head of a family and paid a direct tax of 5 francs (one dollar); (2) to every owner of real property valued at 2,000 francs ($400.00), or

e. The conditions imposed for the casting of two votes seem very liberal and the majority of American voters could qualify under them. But in Belgium

ry. Election was by

I

,380 with three votes. The Socialists polled 346,000 votes, the Clericals 927,000, the Liberals 530,000. The new parliament was composed

united with the Progressists. In Brussels on the second ballot they proposed terms to the Liberals, which were refused. The Socialists, however, instru

when he announced the program of his party, which combined with the usual labor legislation the demand for the state purchase of coal mines, state monopoly of the liquor business, and communal election reforms. The proposals of the Belgian Socialists in parliament have invariably been practical, not revolutionary or visionary. One of the first bills introduced by them p

dealistic propaganda of the French; they are more sensible than either. Since their entrance into parliament a Secretary of Labor has been added to the cabinet, and every department of labor legislation has felt their influence. The delegation is in constant

nactment. Its provisions are still the source of constant agitation among Socialists and Liberals. They protest especially against the teaching of religion in the communal schools. It is true that any parent may have his c

gthened the plural voting system by giving a fourth vote to the large land-holders. The Socialists and Radicals united in contesting 507 of the communes (about one-fourth of the whole number). They won a majority in eighty and a considerable minority in 18

front of the Chamber of Deputies. Paving-stones were ripped up and hurled through the windows, and there was charging and counter-charging between police and populace. Inside the Chamber the scene was not less tumultuous. The Socialists tried to prevent business by mob tactics. Desk-lids were banged, there was shouting and singing, one deputy had provided himself with a horn. The government was compelled to adjourn the session. All th

for the maintenance of order in their cities if the minister did not withdraw the obnoxious electoral bill. The Liberals now joined

dervelde, in supporting the committee, said that he "spoke for the country that had so effectively demonstrated its power and achieved a victory." Soon after this the reac

ection under this la

te cast

7,326 electin

,056 electing

,521 electin

783 electing

rats 55,737 ele

at last the Liberal elements were hopeful of gaining the go

and agitation in the streets, and not to cease until after the conquest of political equality." Vandervelde introduced a bill into the Chamber providing for "one man, one vote," and it was defeated by a vote of 92 to 43. Immediately Vandervelde and the Radical leader proposed a revision of the Constitution. The debate on this motion continued until the spring of 1902. All the old spirit of unrest and violenc

the debate and dismiss the question entirely for the s

rom Charleroi, the seat of the most tumultuous element in the party, expressed regret that the Labor Party had compromised with the bourgeois parties in calling off the strike. Vandervelde

rmer years have expanded into wide avenues. The soldiers are armed with Albinis and Mausers. Even if all the people were armed it would only be n

s of realism have commenced."[10] And Bertrand, the historian, adds the reason: "Its [the general strike's] effe

ords were uttered, and still more significant that political coalition has taken the place of industrial warfare. The Liberals and Radic

xtreme heat, nearly 200,000 Radicals, Liberals, and Socialists gathered in the capital, "not so much to impress the government,"

ng economic, in building dairies and bake-shops, in running dry-goods stores and grocery stores and butcher shops, in the present dispensation; and it has succeeded in doing so by accommodating itself to the present conditions. It adopts the eight-hour day when it can, but it is not averse to ten hours when necessary. I

of their societies and to the party. Their competition has brought ruin to the door of many a shopkeeper who finds his customers flocking to their own shop. Government com

y in reading and arithmetic, in the night classes established everywhere; but in business, in weights and measures; in percentage, in profit and loss; and most of all, in the real hardships that meet tradespeople and commercial men everywhere in their endeavor to get on. Workingmen often think that a business man is a necromancer juggling profits out of other people's necessities. The Belgian co-operativist has found out tha

cant wages were barely enough for bread, he discovered means somehow to pay his dues in the "Mutualité." As an instance of his thrift, he saves every year a little fund which is used by the family for

ists have tried usually in vain to lure the peasant and small farmer, the Belgians have made constan

roving powerful propagandists, even in the Catholic lowlands. Dr. Steffens-Frauenweiler quotes from a conservative newspaper: "From different sides we have heard the remark that Socialism would never penetrate into the country. In contradiction to this opinion we must observe that those who expres

tical power. We have seen how the first strike was premature, the second effe

lf the revolution. The reformist general strike, on the contrary, is the attempt of the proletariat to secure partial concessions from the government without questioning the existence of the government, and especially the admi

franchise. Whether it would succeed in wresting other political privileges from the state, i

orkmen. It has adapted itself to the necessities of the hour, giving up the daydreams of intangible things. In all this, it has displayed a saneness, in spite

erywhere. The savings-bank department is swarming with women and children, come to conduct the business of the family. The café, the headquarters of the party, the offices of the co-operative societies, all are busy. In the evening there are debates, gymnasium contests, moving-pic

alism approximating somewhere near its ultimate form. If the Belgian Labor Party should secure control of the government to-morrow it would be more competent to assume the actual obliga

TNO

Gouvernemental

uaire Sta

ocratie et du Socialisme en Belg

the King: "You have asked what is the watchword o

vidual names on the list. Any 100 electors may prepare such a list. The successful candidate must receive

Histoire, Vo

a parliamentary leader and one of the greatest politicians of his day. His seat was contested by an obscur

remains undiminished. On May 17, 1901, a Clerical deputy remarked in the Chamber that he would like to see the temporal power of the pope

d, Histoire

ale Belge d'Avril,

toire, I

Frauenweiler, Der Agra

. cit.,

hiv für Sozial-wissenschaft und Sozial-Politik, Tübingen, May, 1908

ra cit.,

days of the "Old International," and Anarchists have ne

trie," "La Glèbe," can be seen in the Gallery of Modern Art, in Brussels. There are evidences everywhere of the art interest of these alert working people. One of them, with sincere indignation, pointed out to me the large p